<![CDATA[Ara Balears in English - Editorial ARA Balears]]> 10 <![CDATA[The new Balearic Coastal Law must not consolidate irregularities]]> There have been several coastal laws in Spain, and it can even be said that the one from 1969, during Franco's time, had a certain conservationist intent. Above all, because it created a great concept: public maritime-terrestrial domain, a strip that varies in extension according to different criteria, and which consecrates the first meters of the coast as an inviolable asset.

]]> <![CDATA[The irresponsibility of fueling Islamophobia]]> The far right is playing with fire. It does so deliberately when it singles out a segment of the population—in this case, the Muslim population—as a source of conflict, a cultural threat, and supposed social degradation. Fueling Islamophobia is an exercise in colossal political irresponsibility, because the consequences of this discourse are not merely rhetorical: they directly impact coexistence, cohesion, and social peace in the Balearic Islands.

]]> <![CDATA[Airports without limits in islands that have already reached their peak]]> The expansion works at Palma Airport are no secret. Aena can't hide them, because they are visible, noisy, and, for many passengers, increasingly burdensome. Anyone who has recently passed through Son Sant Joan Airport has seen how journeys are lengthening and how the comfort promised by the airport operator is being postponed to an uncertain future. Aena cannot hide the construction. What it does try to conceal is the objective that seems to lie behind these works. The airport company insists that the expansion is not motivated by a desire to accommodate more passengers. But the figures contradict this. A report by Aena itself, prepared less than five years ago, predicted that in the most extreme scenario, Son Sant Joan would reach 33 million passengers in 2026. Reality has accelerated the timeline: in 2025, a year earlier, Palma Airport had already significantly exceeded this figure. Denying that the expansion is due to an increase in capacity is, at the very least, implausible.

]]> <![CDATA[The response to sexual abuse: so much ground to cover]]> The case published today by ARA Baleares is shockingly brutal. A woman explains how, for 35 years, she was repeatedly raped by three members of the clergy; her father had also been abusive. It's a story of such stark reality that it's difficult to read and accept, but it can no longer be hidden. For too long, silence was the abusers' best ally. It's true that the social, political, and judicial reaction to sexual abuse—including that committed by members of the Church—has changed significantly compared to the years when complaints were silenced, discredited, or resolved with discreet transfers and requests for silence. Today, victims are heard, the facts are usually acknowledged, and institutions are obliged, at the very least, to provide explanations. This is an undeniable step forward. But insufficient.

]]> <![CDATA[More universities, more inequality?]]> The Balearic Islands have lived for decades on the margins of boom Private universities have transformed a significant portion of the university landscape in Spain and in other countries around us. Until recently, the region seemed resistant to projects that often had more to do with urban development and tourism than academic endeavors—projects that were ultimately halted. But that scenario has changed. Starting next academic year, the Canary Islands will open their doors wide to the arrival of private universities, with new programs, financial resources, and large buildings that promise to shake up the university system as we have known it until now.

]]> <![CDATA[The new financing model is not designed for the Balearic Islands]]> The best news for the citizens of the Balearic Islands regarding the new regional financing model proposed by the Spanish government is, above all, that a decisive step has been taken towards a review that is ten years overdue. Moreover, it comes about because President Pedro Sánchez had made a commitment to Catalonia in exchange for the corresponding parliamentary support. Therefore, it is evident when analyzing the first measures announced, pending the fine print—which will be essential—that the new framework was not designed with the Balearic Islands in mind. Although the government delegate in the Islands, as is his duty, is keen to emphasize that the region will receive an additional 412 million euros, which is certainly cause for celebration, this amount does not, by any means, resolve the enormous precariousness of the Islands' financing. This is especially true because the concept of population support is not incorporated. In the case of the Balearic Islands, this measure would have been key to breaking the terrible imbalance in services provided to the 18 million visitors who pass through the archipelago, something that has been historically ignored by the State. Now more than ever, we must ask ourselves if it is worth continuing to exploit the Islands' natural resources to boost tourism statistics. On the other hand, curiously, the fact that they have to accommodate students from other regions will be rewarded. This will go to Madrid and Catalonia. Meanwhile, the insularity criterion loses a tenth of a point in the new calculation, and therefore, not only is this reality, which clearly harms the competitiveness of businesses and the lives of residents, not taken into account, but its recognition is also reduced from the already meager 0.6% it had been established until now. Once again, the little weight that the Balearic Islands carry within the State as a whole has become evident, regardless of who governs in Madrid. Therefore, even if Marga Prohens' government has to raise its voice and protest, the resolution has been and will always be the same regardless of the political affiliation in power. And in this specific case, it's important to remember that the political impetus for this agreement stems from Sánchez's commitment to Catalonia, a region also historically disadvantaged by the balance between what it contributes to and receives from the State. In fact, the financing agreement between the Spanish government and ERC, signed last Thursday by Pedro Sánchez and Oriol Junqueras, and presented by the Minister of Finance, María Jesús Montero, represents a step forward for Catalonia. A significant reform of the current and outdated model, which had clearly proven detrimental to the region. Reforming the system substantially wasn't easy. It has been done, and some taboos have begun to be broken, such as the one concerning ordinality. With the numbers and the details in hand, Catalonia is by no means lacking in solidarity. In any case, what is now being proposed, and is pending approval in Congress, is a significant change. It is a fairer system for Catalonia and, at the same time, beneficial for all the regional governments.

]]> <![CDATA[The nameless ones who continue to die trying to reach Europe]]>

The NGO Caminando Fronteras released its annual tally of deaths while attempting to reach Spanish shores, noting a significant increase in shipwrecks of boats trying to reach the Balearic Islands from Algeria. Of the 3,090 deaths recorded, a third (1,037) occurred on this route, which departs from North Africa and heads towards Formentera and Ibiza. The contrast between migrants arriving on beaches packed with tourists, representing their dream destination, is one of the images that best encapsulates the contradictions of the modern world. The majority of fatalities (1,906) continue to occur on the route from Africa to the Canary Islands, although this year there has been a significant decrease compared to last year. It should be noted that 2014 was a record year, when more than 10,000 people drowned trying to reach Spanish shores. According to the latest figures from the Ministry of the Interior, irregular migrant arrivals to Spain decreased by 40.4% compared to 2014, despite a 24.5% increase in arrivals to the Balearic Islands. We cannot turn a blind eye to such a painful reality, even though Europe has often believed that the best way to avoid encouraging these journeys is to abandon these people to their fate. We recall that high-seas rescue initiatives like the one carried out by the Catalan NGO Open Arms are condemned by the far right, from Salvini to Vox. Throughout its history, the ARA has documented some of these rescue operations with journalist Cristina Mas and photographer Xavier Bertral, and the conclusion is always the same: it is naive to think that people will not risk their lives to reach Europe by putting themselves in the hands of smuggling rings when they see no future, no opportunities, in their homeland.

]]> <![CDATA[We do not underestimate neo-fascism]]>

The neo-fascist groups operating in the Balearic Islands today are few. But they are young, they are radical, and they are increasingly visible on the streets and online. They are not known for widespread violence, but rather for a growing capacity to recruit, organize, and normalize discourses that until recently were marginal. Precisely for this reason, we cannot underestimate them. History has taught us that movements of this kind do not grow suddenly, but rather take root slowly, taking advantage of indifference, trivialization, or looking the other way.

]]> <![CDATA[The cultural challenge of Palma 2031]]> In a few days, Palma City Council will officially present its bid to become the European Capital of Culture 2031. It's a crucial moment: either the opportunity is seized to rethink the city through culture, or it will be just another marketing ploy, yet another appeal from a city that perhaps doesn't need to attract more international attention. Little is known about the project that will underpin the bid, beyond a few figures. If Palma is chosen, €48.5 million will be mobilized between 2026 and 2031, and investments linked to the capital status could reach €275 million. A significant portion of this money, however, is earmarked for projects announced by the People's Party (PP) even during the campaign, such as the repurposing of the Gesa building and the renovation of the Plaza Mayor with the city's interpretation center. The team led by Mayor Jaime Martínez states that it wants to "transform Palma through culture." He even stated that many cities use their bid for European Capital of Culture to heal their deepest wound, which in Palma's case is overcrowding. The intention would be to transform the city's tourism model through culture. But this is a huge promise that can only be credible if the project truly takes root in society and its own culture. Certainly, culture can be an engine of transformation, as we have seen in other European cities. But for this to happen, a solid civic base is necessary, along with working with the local creative community and having a global perspective that is not limited to the visual arts. And this is where Palma falls short. The municipal government has implemented a policy of major exhibitions at a remarkable pace, placing the visual arts at the heart of its cultural narrative. However, the effort to nurture emerging creative talent is insufficient, and culture as a whole—music, performing arts, literature, language—remains secondary. The first public presentation of the candidacy revealed a clear tourism bias, despite repeated assertions that the aim is not to increase tourism through the title. However, the City Council has also promoted it at major industry fairs. And the proliferation of planned interpretation centers suggests a focus on a cultural product for visitors rather than a transformative process for residents. The model evoked seems to be that of Málaga, which Martínez himself initially cited as an example, but later dismissed after hearing the criticisms: large exhibitions, fascinated tourists, but little capacity to generate a sense of belonging and real cultural enrichment. More than a title, Palma needs a legacy. The process leading up to 2031 should set concrete objectives: improving social access to culture, equipping facilities, professionalizing the sector, and stimulating creativity. In fact, the challenge of the project should be defining its legacy: what we all want to remain after 2031.

]]> <![CDATA[Homelessness, a symptom of collective failure]]> In Mallorca, homelessness has ceased to be a marginal phenomenon and has become a structural symptom of collective failure. Along the highways, under the bridges of the ring road, on vacant lots, and in almost invisible corners of Palma, tents, shacks made of plastic and wood, and camper vans—which are, in reality, another facet of the same precariousness—are multiplying. And yet, public administrations continue to act as if all this doesn't exist or as a mere anecdote. They don't know how many settlements there are, how many people live there, what their conditions are, or what their needs are. And if you don't know, it doesn't exist, and you can't offer solutions. Ignorance is, all too often, a mechanism of institutional defense.

]]> <![CDATA[The relative weight of tourism, the real weight of everything]]> The latest data suggests that tourism has lost relative weight in the Balearic economy. But an honest assessment is necessary: it's not that there's less tourist activity or that the pressure it exerts on the territory has decreased. Other sectors have grown even more, and many of them are closely linked to the same model. The real estate business, construction, commerce, and domestic consumption resulting from population growth dilute tourism's percentage share. But the fact that the sector weighs less proportionally is no consolation.

]]> <![CDATA[The responsibility to stop the far right]]> Fifty years have passed since Franco's death and, with it, the formal end of a dictatorship that still casts long shadows over our public life. Half a century later, Spanish democracy continues to test its limits and its strength, and the Balearic Islands offer, now more than ever, a disturbing example. The far right, which openly embraces aspects of Francoism and revives principles that should have been buried by history, has a strong presence in the Islands' institutions, and we must remember this as often as necessary: it presides over the Parliament, is part of the government of Mallorca, and influences regional and often municipal politics. All of this reflects a growing presence on the streets, especially among young people, a phenomenon that cannot be underestimated.

]]> <![CDATA[Car dependency, a burden for the future of the Islands]]> In the Balearic Islands, car dependency has become so ingrained that we often don't question it. For many people, the private vehicle is the first choice for almost any journey, even for distances that could be covered on foot or by bicycle. Turning the car into an extension of one's own body speaks to a society that for decades has understood mobility as something individual rather than a collective good.

]]> <![CDATA[Speculation at any price]]> History repeats itself, and it usually features the same protagonists. When there's a housing shortage, the easiest answer is to open up new land, which is the solution the People's Party (PP) is now offering in the Balearic Islands. The recipe, in any case, is the same: develop rural land, rezone it all at once, without planning, and hand out astronomical profits to a few who have been waiting for years for the opportunity to line their pockets.

]]> <![CDATA[Low-cost flights: the contradiction that challenges us]]> The flights low cost They are, today, an entry and exit gateway with undeniable repercussions for the Balearic Islands. They have given many people the opportunity to fly and have improved the islands' connectivity. But they are also one of the main channels that fuel the mass tourism that has become one of the most significant collective headaches for island society today. The paradox is more than evident: we complain about the massive arrival of visitors via these flights, but at the same time we depend on them to go out, to travel, and to feel connected.

]]> <![CDATA[The end of the countryside as we have known it]]>

The government of Marga Prohens is preparing to submit a new agrarian law to Parliament that, under the umbrella of modernization and diversification, opens a new era in the relationship between the countryside and tourism. If approved, the law will allow all agricultural holdings—managed by someone with a farmer's license—to offer up to ten agroestadas. The left had already authorized six, but the quantitative and qualitative leap is now more profound, because it is not just about rural tourism: the law will also facilitate the construction of agricultural warehouses, some linked to tourism or complementary activities, and the wider installation of solar panels on rural land.

]]> <![CDATA[The final blow to the dairy farms of Mallorca]]> The agonizing history of milk in Mallorca is, in fact, the repeated history of a collective failure: the inability in the Balearic Islands to sustain projects other than tourism or construction. What once seemed solid and rooted in the region, with values of proximity, sustainability, and social commitment, is now fading amid the indignation of a few and the indifference of the majority.

]]> <![CDATA[Against the disappearance of local commerce: we all have a role to play]]> In the last fifteen years, 5,000 businesses have closed their doors in the Balearic Islands. It's a staggering figure and shows that we are facing a profound change in the model that goes beyond the economy. The closure of traditional commerce is also a process of collective loss: of the uniqueness of our streets, of the identity of neighborhoods and towns, of the network of trust and mutual support that is generated between customers and merchants.

]]> <![CDATA[The mirage of growth in the Balearic Islands]]> In the Balearic Islands, the numbers don't add up. We're the region with the greatest population growth over the last two decades, and we're also one of those with the greatest increase in production: specifically, 155% between 2000 and 2023, behind only Madrid. But studies make it clear that this dynamism hasn't translated into well-being. The fact is that, over the same period, GDP per capita has risen by only 8.2%, well below the national average of 11.1%. The paradox is evident: we're growing faster than anyone else, but prosperity is less evenly distributed.

]]> <![CDATA[The judges, the prosecutor, and a leader who follows Ayuso]]> In all this fuss against the Attorney General, Álvaro García Ortiz, the main issue is sometimes lost sight of. The accusation is that he leaked a real and true email in which a criminal confesses to having defrauded the Treasury and asks for a deal to reduce his sentence. García Ortiz is not accused of malfeasance, misappropriating other people's money, or using his position to enrich himself. This, for example, is included in the judge's report against former Finance Minister Cristóbal Montoro, who is not only under investigation for changing laws to benefit certain companies, but also publicly flaunted his knowledge of the tax situation of his opponents, and also of his co-religionists. In other words, he revealed secrets that he equally couldn't reveal, or threatened to do so.

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