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    <title><![CDATA[Ara Balears in English - Pere Perelló]]></title>
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    <description><![CDATA[Ara Balears in English - Pere Perelló]]></description>
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      <title><![CDATA[The geopolitics of silence]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-geopolitics-of-silence_129_5852162.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>There are neighbors with whom we try never to argue. Not because they are always right, nor because they are stronger, but because we know that a fight can cost us too much. Something like this happens between Spain and Morocco. Only here we are not talking about a partition wall or a piece of garden, but about borders, migration, trade, security, Ceuta, Melilla and Western Sahara.Over the last few years, Pedro Sánchez's government has opted to almost always avoid open confrontation with Rabat. Sometimes this attitude seems like a geopolitics of silence: lowering the tone, absorbing tensions and preserving, above all else, a functional relationship with Mohammed VI. The question is whether this prudence strengthens the Spanish state or if, little by little, it makes it more vulnerable.It is not a question of military strength. Spain continues to be far superior to Morocco in global terms. It is part of the European Union and NATO, it has more complete armed forces, a much larger economy, and a naval and aerial capacity that Rabat cannot match. Spanish military spending reached 40.2 billion dollars in 2025, according to SIPRI – Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. This figure represents a 50% increase compared to 2024 and places Spain among the fifteen countries that spend the most on the military in the world.Therefore, a direct military confrontation against Spain would be extraordinarily risky for Morocco. But relations between states are not decided solely by planes, frigates, or divisions. Deterrence is more subtle: it consists of making the other believe that certain actions will have too high a price. And it is precisely here that the problem arises.Morocco has learned to move in a terrain that is neither that of complete peace nor that of open conflict. A gray zone that includes migration control, customs, police cooperation, fishing, the Sahara, and statements regarding Ceuta and Melilla. There is no need to threaten Spain; sometimes it is enough to stop doing something that is usually done. Obviously, it has its back well covered by the USA.The Ceuta crisis of May 2021 demonstrated this with a clarity that is hard to forget. In the midst of diplomatic tension over the hospitalization in Spain of Brahim Ghali, leader of the Polisario Front, thousands of people crossed the border while Moroccan control was extraordinarily reduced. In a few hours, a diplomatic crisis turned into a border, humanitarian, and political crisis.A year later, the great Spanish change regarding Western Sahara arrived. In March 2022, Sánchez described the Moroccan autonomy proposal as the most serious, realistic, and credible basis for resolving the conflict. That move allowed for the reconstruction of the relationship with Rabat, but it caused a serious crisis with Algeria and meant abandoning the balance that Spain had maintained for decades between the two great neighbors of the Maghreb.By the way, we must remember Pedro Sánchez's visit last July to Algeria, which is not talked about much. But it is certainly true that it caused a stomach ache in Rabat and for Mohammed VI.President Sánchez, with a juggling act he likes so much, tried to rebuild the balance with Algiers without undoing what he had agreed with Rabat. Spain did not withdraw its support for the Moroccan autonomy plan for the Sahara. He was attempting something difficult: to maintain a privileged relationship with Morocco and, simultaneously, to recover Algeria.And there are powerful arguments for it to be this way. Spain is Morocco's main trading partner and bilateral exchanges exceed 22.5 billion euros annually. Hundreds of Spanish companies operate in the country. To this are added counter-terrorism cooperation, the fight against drug trafficking, migration control, and the joint organization of the 2030 Football World Cup.Therefore, it would be too easy to define Sánchez's policy as a simple submission. For any Spanish government, having a stable and cooperative Morocco is a matter of national security. The problem begins when cooperation and dependence are confused.Here a paradox appears. Spain has much more global power than Morocco, but Rabat has a great capacity to cause immediate problems. It can relax border controls, hinder police cooperation, or raise the tone regarding Ceuta and Melilla and generate political consequences in a matter of hours.Madrid, on the other hand, needs time. It has to mobilize the European Union, activate diplomacy, seek support, or adopt economic measures. This difference gives Morocco a tactical advantage, even if Spain has a strategic superiority.The Ceuta migration crisis of July 2026 has brought this reality back to the table. Pedro Sánchez has stated that there is no conclusive evidence that the Moroccan government deliberately organized that massive entry. At the same time, it has been noted that, during some decisive hours, border control was much lower than usual. Everything suggests that we don't know half the story. We analyze based on what they tell us and what they don't tell us, but which we glimpse or intuit. The visit to Algiers on July 20th has cost the State and the national government dearly, hasn't it?Ceuta and Melilla are the other great element of this equation. Morocco maintains its historical claim. Spain considers their sovereignty indisputable. A military operation against either of the two cities would be highly unlikely because it would trigger an international crisis of enormous dimensions. But Rabat does not need a war to keep the issue alive; it can wait. Spanish governments think in terms of legislatures. The Moroccan monarchy can think in terms of decades.Therefore, the true Spanish vulnerability today is not an invasion of Ceuta or Melilla. It is everything that can happen without reaching a military aggression: migratory pressure, diplomatic crises, commercial disputes, border tensions, and territorial claims. It is the grey zone. And it is here where an important part of the relationship between Madrid and Rabat is decided.Spain needs Morocco. Morocco also needs Spain and Europe. The relationship is one of interdependence, but it is not completely symmetrical. Intelligent policy probably does not consist of seeking a confrontation with Rabat. It would be irresponsible. But it also cannot consist of conveying that any pressure will be absorbed in silence.The media, the networks, the fights and the threats in Congress are often noise and circumstantial matters. Nor has the parliamentary opposition known how to turn this issue into a State debate. Too often, electoral interests and the struggle for power have taken precedence over serious reflection on Spain's foreign policy.In conclusion, the underlying question is whether Morocco still believes that pressuring Spain has a high price or if it thinks it comes cheap to them.Do not forget the phrase by Manuel Vicent in <em>El País</em>, on July 9, 2023, referring to Pedro Sánchez: “<em>… Volvió a la sede caracoleando sobre una jaca torda para tomar el mando".</em></p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-geopolitics-of-silence_129_5852162.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 17 Sep 2026 05:30:29 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[Armand]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/armand_129_5827830.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p><img src="https://static1.ara.cat/clip/6d72a96e-d5b5-4ef8-95d9-101687e6ffc2_16-9-aspect-ratio_default_0.jpg" /></p><p>At sunset I saw him by the sea, on the small pier of the bay of Pollença. He was a thin man, with a long, untidy beard. His movements were slow, harmonious. He was doing his practices and it seemed that his body was there, but his spirit was very far away. That instant of eternity exuded serenity and tranquility. Who was that man? What life story did he have behind him?I stopped at a certain distance, I didn't want to bother him. Everything began to slow down, the small waves that moved, the orange sun that wanted to set behind Tomir, the children running with their bicycles, the slow body and hands of that thin man with a long beard. Every encounter is unique and unrepeatable. That afternoon I didn't know who he was, I only knew that he exuded a serenity that made you want to stay still and watch.“Every breath is an opportunity,” says Ester when she leads the yoga practice. To understand Armand's story, we must go back to the early 80s. In sa Pobla, AIDS arrived without knocking. It wasn't the only guest; heroin also arrived, along with the need for easy and quick money. The appearance, the skin of the town, changed radically in a short time. A string of young people began to die, always silently and on tiptoe. Homosexuality was present, but it couldn't be spoken of; they said it was taboo, or perhaps a sin.Faced with the facts and the news that reached us about that red death, there was a deep-seated collective sense of survival. It seemed to us that those stories belonged to another world, that what was happening was in New York, in London, to the artists we saw on television, but not in our town. "These misfortunes don't happen to us," we thought; meanwhile, the young people began to fall, dying one after another. Lives shattered, without opportunities, without return, without explanation.Between 1981 and 1995, almost twenty young people died in sa Pobla infected with AIDS or killed by an overdose. The same number of young soldiers from Pobla who died on the Ebro front in that fateful 1938. For a small community, it was another war. Without bombs, without uniforms, but equally devastating.“Every session, every practice, is like starting with a blank page”.Tai chi is reached through continuous movement, shifting of weight, rooting to the ground, and breathing. There is no rush, each movement is born from the previous one and prepares the next. Time ceases to be something that ‘happens’ and becomes something that you ‘live’. Armand needed to inhabit his body and time, he needed to contemplate to gain distance and make the illness bearable. Yoga also seeks this. When you hold a pose with conscious breathing, you don’t simply ‘hold’ a pose, you learn to be present within your own body. The body ceases to be a tool you use and becomes a place you inhabit. When he contracted AIDS, Armand began a journey of deepening within himself, without much noise or visibility. The practice and contemplation of tai chi gave him life and meaning.“Living with a tranquil spirit,” Joan Socies, my childhood friend and Armand’s disciple, used to tell me. With Joan, we learned to walk and ride bicycles on Gran Street in sa Pobla; it was the 1960s. Psychology, teaching, and the search for his inner path were his constant pursuit and, at the same time, a vital necessity. One day he told me: “I’ve started doing tai chi and I like it. The teacher is half Basque and half French and lives in Santa Margalida. You would like it... Why don't you come?”Three years ago, Joan died of cancer and we buried him in Son Tut, facing east. Armand, his teacher, visited him a few days before he left. They talked and hugged; they had shared a part of the journey. Joan died with a peaceful spirit.Armand sought a corner, a quiet refuge in the bay of Pollença. He knew he had to prepare for his departure, he had little time left. AIDS had taken over his body when he was only 24 years old, while he was working as an engineer in London. In those years there were no vaccines or answers. But he decided to live his time, his own time, with more awareness.“Every breath counts... Take a breath. This time is just for you,” says Ester in a calm voice.N'Armand knew how to transform suffering into a serene way of life. In the documentary that in 2019 broadcast <em>IB3 </em>about AIDS, Armand said he would not give up his illness for anything.Throughout his life he sought silence. He was not a 'media master', he did not publish books nor seek notoriety. He simply lived. And this, nowadays, is extraordinarily rare. Joan told me: "The important thing is to have a calm spirit". Now we know that this phrase was not born out of nowhere. It was part of a way of living that he had probably learned alongside Armand. A teacher is not one who creates dependent disciples, but one who helps others to walk on their own two feet. Armand's greatness will not be having been perfect, but having continued to live.Now we have that scene on the pier, that man in front of the Bay of Pollensa. A very thin man, with a long beard, a man ravaged by consumption.In the last days of June this year, Armand died, accompanied by the people who loved him. Grief spread through the small corner of the bay. The women who lived there in winter had welcomed and adopted him; he made himself loved. I often walk past the jetty and still see that thin man, with a long beard, practicing his routines, living each day as if it were the last day of his life.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/armand_129_5827830.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 20 Aug 2026 05:37:55 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <media:title><![CDATA[Armand and Joan.]]></media:title>
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      <title><![CDATA[1885: Lee La Trobe Bateman, the pioneer of early potatoes for London]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/1885-lee-trobe-bateman-the-pioneer-of-early-potatoes-for-london_129_5806272.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Between April 25 and 27, 1927, the steamship <em>Aragón</em> (Compañía Trasmediterránea) set sail from the port of Palma. It had been built in 1902 in Sunderland (England) and was a mixed passenger and cargo vessel. In the holds, where it could carry more than 2,200 tons of deadweight, there was a small shipment of Royal Kidney potatoes; specifically, 1,536 kg destined for the English market. They had been harvested in the Marjal poblera just a few days before. This was the first commercial trial. It marked the beginning of a century of exports to England, and the potato would become the jewel in the crown.Reviewing the chronicles of the magazines <em>Sa Marjal</em>, <em>El Terruño</em> and <em>Vialfàs</em>, I have found some small references to 1924 as a possible start of the Royal Kidney in sa Pobla, but they have little documentary basis. We do know that, in 1926, a merchant from sa Pobla conducted a trial with this English variety, with an excellent result. That success encouraged him to export, the following year, a first and modest shipment of the tuber.In March 1927, a group of merchants from Mataró arrived in sa Pobla to visit the fields sown with the English variety. The group was led by Francesc Mas Balaguer. For years, the early potato Royal Kidney had been a consolidated crop in Maresme and the main protagonist of exports to England. But behind all stories, there are always people.The merchant and visionary from sa Pobla, Pere Antoni Aguiló Bonnín, from Can Pere Antoni by nickname, was the one who led the initiative to introduce the Royal Kidney and open the English market to the sa Pobla potato. He maintained a close personal and commercial relationship with Francesc Más, the Mataró merchant we just mentioned. Here began the story that until today we thought we knew.In between there was a whole village. A people, our ancestors, working from sunrise to sunset and leaving their sweat on the avid land. Every spring, the potato fever transformed sa Pobla into a frenetic activity: filling and weighing crates and sacks, loading them onto carts and, later, onto tractors, to take them to the Market Square. It was a lively and exhausting job. “Early potatoes, honeyed potatoes,” wrote Alexandre Ballester. Year after year, the sweat of the people of Pobla turned into sterling pounds.But the beginning of this story was much earlier. Until recently, this was the story known by an entire town. However, new papers, documents, and correspondence place the origin of this adventure in the year 1885, at the hands of the young Englishman Lee La Trobe Bateman. Let's see, then, how these archival investigations shed new light on the origins of the early poblera potato.We know that the Bateman family, more specifically John F. La Trobe Bateman, arrived in sa Pobla in the spring of 1862 and began the colossal tasks of drainage, which were completed between 1870 and 1871. During the first years, two engineers led the reins and direct management of the project: first, Wilhelm Green and then, Henry Robert Waring, each with their own human and technical stamp.In November or December of 1884, John's youngest son arrived in sa Pobla. His name was Lee La Trobe Bateman (1859). He was young, newly married to Beatriu, and wanted to conquer the world. He had been in the military for a few years, enjoyed writing plays, but was particularly drawn to horticulture and gardening. Once he arrived at s'Albufera, he found himself with almost 2,000 hectares before him to develop his interests in land and plants. A real challenge that he took on with great energy and passion.The Tramuntana potato variety was the best known and most widespread in the second half of the 19th century in Mallorca. It was a late variety, large and quite irregular in size. The skin was light and the flesh, white. It was very popular because it kept well for months and was intended for local consumption. It yielded well, but did not allow for as early harvests as those introduced by Lee in 1885.Within the Son Serra estate, on the edge of the historic Son Sant Martí possession, in the municipality of Muro, Lee created an experimental and trial farm for the cultivation of beans, beets, and potatoes. It was known as zone W and covered an area of 50 acres, about 114 quartons. By the way, about the farmers Lee wrote to his father: “All the people here are very hardworking and want to see the crops grow”.On August 29, 1885, he ordered three varieties of potato from the seed house Sutton & Sons, which still exists today, which he planted in December of the same year. It should be remembered that farmers usually planted the Tramuntana around March or April. They were Sutton's Early Eclipse, Ashleaf, and Reading Russet, all three considered precursors to the Royal Kidney. Lee's intention was clear: to advance the cultivation and, therefore, the harvest for export to London.Some time ago Xisco Lillo photographed some bundles of letters from Lee La Trobe Bateman deposited at the ARM. He left them in a good place, waiting for an opportunity. A few months ago he started working on them and has shared the news related to potatoes. This material gives us a lot to work with, as it helps us fit together the pieces and links that were missing until now. For example, we know in detail about his orders to the metropolis, such as the one he placed on June 5, 1885, at the well-known London bookstore Hatchards & Co.: <em>The potato and its cultivation</em>, by A. W. Crewes.Likewise, in field W he cultivated the potato for the first time with the English system, which has endured to this day. Basically, it consists of selecting the seed tuber, planting in well-aligned furrows, regular spacing between plants, and earthing up, in addition to good manuring.The results of the trials with the English varieties went quite well. They had no frost or any setbacks. Now we need the most important thing: to know if Lee's early potato reached London or not. There are many pages left to translate and study, but in the coming months we expect to find indications and evidence of early exports, which were already a clear idea and a commercial necessity for a young Englishman who loved the lands of northern Mallorca.Perhaps the first documented export will continue to be that of 1927. But, today, we already know that the dream of reaching the London market had begun, at least, 40 years earlier.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/1885-lee-trobe-bateman-the-pioneer-of-early-potatoes-for-london_129_5806272.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 23 Jul 2026 05:32:20 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[The Local Police and its language. Future challenges]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-local-police-and-its-language-future-challenges_129_5779369.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Last month we talked about public safety in the article <a href="https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-grammar-of-security_129_5750597.html" target="_blank">The grammar of security</a>. Logically, we also included perception, social bonds, the fragility of modern societies, and the human need to feel protected. Now the challenge is to tread other paths in the language of security, mainly to talk about the role and functions of local police forces in the 21st century.What do we really expect from them? What is the scope of their authority? How do they manage transparency, ethics, or proximity? Are they prepared? Do we feel them close? And also: what human transformation – that of the police officers – does living for decades with conflict, tension, and citizen frustration imply?Since 1986, local police forces in the Spanish state are indeed police, but they are not a "full police" in all the classic dimensions of police activity. That year, the well-known Organic Law 2/1986 on security forces and bodies was enacted, a regulation that many municipal police officers perceived – from the very beginning – as an incomplete legislative architecture. The text makes it clear, legally, that local police forces are police. However, within the imaginary of the State machinery and state police forces, they remained as mere auxiliaries.They cannot carry out criminal investigations autonomously, unless under judicial dependency. Nor do they have the specific functions of the Judicial Police, nor do they have full access to certain state or European databases. They cannot carry out intelligence tasks or act with full autonomy in sensitive public security matters.Clearly stated: we are facing a partial police force, except when we talk about its own functions – security in municipal spaces, traffic regulation, ordinance application, prevention and proximity –, areas in which local police forces have developed a notable level of specialization and effectiveness.The problem is that this institutional and legislative reality has been going on for more than forty years, while the world, society, and forms of conflict have changed profoundly. In the early nineties, there was an intense struggle – under the direction of chief superintendent Joan Feliu – so that the scenario would not end up being this and so that the interpretation of the law would be different. The archives still preserve the tug-of-war between the Local Police of Palma and the rest of the State security forces. This was also recorded in the directives, appeals, and judicial rulings of those years. Finally, the model was consolidated with a very strict delimitation of powers. Whoever is in charge, is in charge.We continue. Within the Spanish constitutional framework, public security – and even citizen security itself – is not a full municipal competence. With the different normative reforms of local administrations, the little political capacity that mayors retained in this matter was progressively reduced. The main responsibility remains with the State, thus, in capital letters. Municipalities can participate in it, but always within the limits set by the norm.But, of course, citizens don't know all this and don't care much about it. Who they see every day at the bar and in the street is the mayor and the councilor on duty, and it is they who receive all the curses from heaven, while the real responsible parties receive no direct pressure. Indeed, town halls become protective shields against the Government Delegation and the State bodies. The victims are municipal officials and local police officers. In politics, not everything goes. Some parties and list leaders think so and use this difficult juncture to access power or undermine the resistance of those who govern. It doesn't matter if cheap populism or fear among citizens increases.In practice, however, public security and citizen security have ended up sharing diffuse and often ambiguous spaces. In theory, security boards should help coordinate and supplement these ambiguities, but we will leave this section for another occasion. So far we can state that we have a strained local police model, partially outdated and with evident functional imbalances.As we said before, the social and criminal landscape has changed profoundly. Today, reality is much more hybrid and complex. Cybercrime has appeared, information systems are completely different from those of 1986, and citizens demand real, visible, and immediate proximity security. But the legal framework remains limiting and restrictive. We have too many bodies with partial competencies and local police forces often underutilized.This model also has real strengths: it maintains centralized control over criminal investigation and intelligence, guarantees a certain penal homogeneity, and prevents each municipality from developing a kind of "own police force" with different criteria.However, local police forces have an effective presence in the territory. They know the people, the conflicts, and the social dynamics of towns and cities. They are often the first to intervene. Today they have quality training, operational experience, and reasonable technical resources. But we also face a possible underutilization of public resources. The citizen who asks for help or protection almost always knows nothing about this whole web of competencies. They only see a blue uniform and expect a response. And many times this response is not possible or is legally limited.Then the uncomfortable questions arise: why do local councils allocate so many economic resources to a police force that they can only partially manage? Why do citizens and political parties – especially from the opposition – constantly demand more officers and more police presence? And, above all, how have we arrived at building a local police model that increasingly leans towards citizen security, precisely in the area where it has the fewest competences, while traditional functions such as prevention, proximity, or administrative policing are weakened?Perhaps the final question is another: does the current model truly respond to the needs of the 21st century or does it continue to be, above all, a structure designed for a reality that no longer exists?</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-local-police-and-its-language-future-challenges_129_5779369.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 25 Jun 2026 05:30:35 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[The grammar of security]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-grammar-of-security_129_5750597.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Donald Winnicott (1896-1971), a British pediatrician and psychoanalyst, intuited and studied that the need for security accompanies human beings from the first moment of life. He explained the need to feel "held" by the environment in order to grow and live with confidence.Literally ‘<em>to hold’</em> in English means: ‘to sustain’, ‘to contain’, ‘to protect with the hands’. But Winnicott gave it a much deeper psychological meaning. When a small child is physically and emotionally held by the mother, is fed, protected, comforted and understood, they develop a basic sense of trust in the world. This is what Winnicott called ‘<em>holding’. </em>They have the intimate feeling that the world will not collapse under your feet. Thanks to this ‘held environment’, the child can play, explore, grow and build themselves. Without this ‘<em>holding’</em>, anguish, insecurity and emotional fragility appear. On a social and global level, societies also need a kind of ‘<em>holding </em>collective’. I mean that we like to feel that there is order, to have reliable institutions, accepted and shared norms, a certain stability and an invisible network that sustains this coexistence. If this support fails –or we perceive that it fails– then the obsessive demand for security arises. It may sound daring, but security is not just about having police or not having crime. It is also trust, cohesion, a certain credibility, a sense of identity belonging... It is having the perception that someone upholds the collective framework. Perhaps modern societies are not only seeking more security, but to recover the feeling of ‘<em>holding</em>’: feeling that the world is still capable of holding them.Why have I chosen <em>The grammar of security</em> as the title of this article? Well, because security is also a language. There are symbols, emotions, perceptions, narratives, and even scenographies of power. We must be able to talk about security without falling into alarmist discourse, nor into the naivety of denial. How can we reconcile the need for protection and the boundaries between freedom and control? I also chose the word 'grammar' because it was very recently that I discovered the figure and legacy of Gianni Rodari, and I have been fascinated by him. In confidence, <em>The grammar of security</em> transmits resonances of <em>The Grammar of Fantasy</em>. Winnicott fits in perfectly, and applying it to a social and contemporary topic seemed audacious to me.Let's refine a bit more; in sa Pobla –in any town– when we see a dirty square, a broken streetlight, a dark street, we observe how it is transmitting an emotional message to the population. And in the face of these real events that trouble us so much on social networks, the theory of James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling fits in very well, which more or less stated that small signs of disorder can generate the perception of abandonment and insecurity even if the real level of delinquency or criminality is low. Obviously, the use of current information channels can be manipulated and redirected towards the interests of corporations, political parties, etc. It is one of the important challenges facing current societies: the abuse of manipulation and easy populism. This abuse in order to achieve "power". It seems we have reached one of the most poignant paradoxes we have today: "The more protected a society is, the less tolerant it is of uncertainty"<em>". </em>But, deep down, in a very internalized space, over the years of my police activity I have observed that people do not just ask for physical protection. They ask to feel that the world is still understandable, orderly, and governable. We return to my town; last April, in sa Pobla, four low-intensity criminal acts, or minor delinquency, occurred. The perpetrator was quickly identified and brought before the judicial authorities; he was a repeat offender and quite well-known. Some of the affected parties and others used social media and amplified their fear. Some political parties saw an opportunity to gain visibility, increase their presence, and use it for political purposes. This happens every so often, almost cyclically. It is certainly legitimate, but in reality – dealing with a sensitive issue – they are 'playing' with the emotions and fears of the citizens. The result was that in the following weeks there was an increase in the perception of insecurity and fear among the townspeople. Evidently, political consensus among all forces on security matters has not yet matured enough and – at the municipal level – it is practically non-existent. The defense and joint work for the citizens will still have to wait.However, let's stop and get to the facts. The municipality of sa Pobla, its town hall, has allocated an average of between 10% and 11% of its initial budget to citizen security in the last five years. This is a relatively high ratio if we compare it to the rest of the municipalities in Spain. This means that – for the governing team – it has been an important priority when designing its municipal policies. Each inhabitant of Huialfàs spends approximately one hundred and five euros annually on local security. State-level security expenses are outside these figures. This would be an objective fact, but it is very far from the perception that many people from sa Pobla have.There is a lot of work to do and –above all– a lot of work to explain, to make understood. Personally, I would like to delve into the next article on the role played by the Local Police and our privacy that we are losing, in this complex and interesting mosaic. To summarize, we can conclude that the great drama of modern societies is not only real insecurity, but the constant need to feel protected. And the inevitable question that remains is: Why does an objectively secure society continue to be so afraid?<em>Note: This week I have ended my labor and social contract with the Local Police of sa Pobla. It has been more than forty-four years of dedication. In the beginning, I was a young man with more curiosity than training, these were different times. I have tried to give back to my town all that it has given me. The feeling of gratitude is enormous. The finite landscape and the faces of the people who have already departed have also accompanied me. I have made mistakes many times and I apologize to those I may have hurt or harmed. Life goes on and we need to savor it and share it. Until the next article, thank you.</em></p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-grammar-of-security_129_5750597.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 28 May 2026 05:31:07 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[The children of the moon]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-children-of-the-moon_129_5715974.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>While in the streets of the neighborhoods and villages of Mallorca we relived the Passion of Jesus Christ and from the chimneys the scents of the "panades" (a type of pastry) and "rubiols" (a type of sweet pastry) emerged, thousands of visitors and tourists were descending at full speed, with vans and black SUVs, from the Tizi n'Tichka pass towards the desert, there, in the immense snowy mountain ranges of the African Atlas. What were those visitors looking for?Through the vehicles' speakers, catchy, modern, and rhythmic music played, a little hypnotic. It was by the Amazigh group Tarwa N Ayur, with the voice of singer Sarah Mou. That mysterious afrofusion rhythm would accompany them to the dunes of Erg Chebbi – known for their golden sand and for being among the highest in Morocco –, just outside Merzouga and Khamlia.The young guides and drivers, many of them Amazigh, while driving, hummed the lyrics that Sarah Mou was setting to music; a song titled <em>Amoudou</em> especially motivated them.<em>Let's walk together on this journey,</em><em>children of the earth and of the moon,</em><em>we carry the strength of fathers,</em><em>and not even the desert wind will stop us.</em>Before 1936, route 9, which goes from Marrakech to Ouarzazate, did not exist. The French colonial troops – with the 4th Regiment of the Foreign Legion – took the lead in this work, which lasted a good handful of years. Obviously, the Amazigh population of the immense and white mountains threw themselves into it.Without the road, there were only narrow paths and rock passages, suitable only for mules and donkeys, because camels were too cold during the frequent snowfalls. For centuries, the slow caravans of the children of the moon had to risk themselves in silence through the snow to bring their goods to Marrakesh and Casablanca.That road had colonial purposes of dominion, but the current one brings two worlds closer, especially two cultures – the Arab and the Amazigh – separated by nature, tradition, and identity. It should be remembered that the Amazigh people are much older than the arrival of the Arabs in these territories. They managed – the Amazigh – an almost unique feat: after the arrival and embrace of Islam, they managed to have their own Koranic school; we know them as the followers of Malek or Malikis, in which their identity, tradition, and customs have had their own space that has endured to this day.Talking about civilizations would be too daring, but we can talk about culture. The route to the black desert, the city of Zagora and the Todra gorges opened the doors to the knowledge of Amazigh culture for us. So intimate, attractive, different, and mysterious for us Westerners.In our case, the Amazigh people of the Rif had arrived in Mallorca around the year 1981 approximately, and their number continued to increase over the years. We must point out, however, that the Amazigh people do not form a strictly homogeneous group. Geography and history have played their part and have fostered nuances among them. To understand this, and since we were talking about music at the beginning, we can use it as an example of these specific traits.The music of the southern Amazigh people –Agadir, desert, Atlas– has slow, almost hypnotic rhythms; repetition is frequent with a mantra effect, and the atmosphere it generates is open, contemplative, almost spiritual. The voices are soft but deep – that of Sarah Mou–, singing to the inner soul. The themes usually speak of the journey, the path through the desert of life, of the land, the people, time, and the moon. The group Tarwa N Ayur –the children of the moon– would be a good representative of this archetype. On the other hand, in the Rif region –our Amazigh people of Mallorca– they tend to have faster, more marked rhythms, less repetitive, more direct and lively. They are usually more festive, even combative, types of music. The voices are usually strong, assertive. They speak of daily life, emigration, social difficulties, and a more explicit identity.At this point I like to recall that the name of the mosque in sa Pobla is <em>Ibno Amazic </em>–sons of the Amazigh people–; obviously, when officials from the Moroccan consulate in Palma arrive for a visit, they raise their eyebrows and wrinkle their noses. Differences enrich a people; homogenizations kill it. While the south sings and looks inward, the Amazigh of the north sing outward, away from themselves. Both employ metaphorical and evocative languages. Both refer to images of the moon, the wind, the path, difficulties, mountains, and the desert.When I was preparing this article, I was surprised by the little information available online about the musical ensemble and the soloist who accompanied us throughout the text. Curiously, they have developed part of their project in international circuits, always taking care and seeking songs deeply rooted in Amazigh culture, language, and spirituality. Now I understand that this fact explains many things. Many Amazigh artists prioritize the community, the people, and music above their own individual selves.I think, and I am convinced, that the sounds of the desert are imperceptible to our Western ears. We tend to listen and feel outwards and not inwards. Curiously, Saint Augustine of Hippo, most likely a 4th-century Berber, worked and preached from a thought in which the need for travel always leads inwards:	“Do not go outside; go inside yourself. In the inner man dwells truth.”A mystical thought and need, understood by the Amazigh people since antiquity.The Balearic people of Catalan culture feel identified with the Amazigh people; we understand each other. Two peoples, without a nation-state, with a clear linguistic and identity decline. In constant struggle for survival. Attacked by other peoples, with other ways of understanding the world, who need to expand and control their neighbors in order not to die. What were those visitors looking for? They were looking for the children of the moon.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-children-of-the-moon_129_5715974.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 23 Apr 2026 05:32:10 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[Ca na Beatriu: The future interpretation center of the Albufera Natural Park]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/ca-na-beatriu-the-future-interpretation-center-of-the-albufera-natural-park_129_5701945.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p><img src="https://static1.ara.cat/clip/09685db2-508b-4e38-925c-9d95467315cc_16-9-aspect-ratio_default_0.jpg" /></p><p>It was the gateway to paradise. Fresh, crystalline water, all shades of green, and fruit trees of every kind. It was, and is, right next to the Estella canal and the Company road. They called it Ca na Beatriu. The young couple spent their summers there, too hot in the city and in sa Pobla. In the summer house, one could hear the waves of the sea, of that immense, blue bay. The first tree they planted there was a cherry tree, as a symbol of purity –for its white blossom– and of love and fertility –for its intense red fruit. They had recently married in London, after meeting at the theatre owned by Mr. Aubyn, at 15 Bedford Row. In the fertile, black lands of l'Albufera, a cherry tree suggested the longed-for paradise or the desired reward. At Ca na Beatriu, the lady –as the Company laborers called her– commanded the ancient rhythm of the sleeping water.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/ca-na-beatriu-the-future-interpretation-center-of-the-albufera-natural-park_129_5701945.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 09 Apr 2026 05:31:44 +0000]]></pubDate>
      <media:content url="https://static1.ara.cat/clip/09685db2-508b-4e38-925c-9d95467315cc_16-9-aspect-ratio_default_0.jpg" type="image/jpeg"/>
      <media:title><![CDATA[At Beatriu's house]]></media:title>
      <media:thumbnail url="https://static1.ara.cat/clip/09685db2-508b-4e38-925c-9d95467315cc_16-9-aspect-ratio_default_0.jpg"/>
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      <title><![CDATA[What if we reopen Sant Miquel de Campanet?]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/what-if-we-reopen-sant-miquel-campanet_129_5668556.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p><em>In Brigida</em></p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/what-if-we-reopen-sant-miquel-campanet_129_5668556.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 05 Mar 2026 06:30:50 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[The Sufis of Sa Pobla. "A discreet presence"]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-sufis-of-sa-pobla-discreet-presence_129_5638843.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>At dawn, the first shadows fall on the train station plaza. They are cold and sleepy, their faces show it, their steps are slow. They look for a pebble to sit on or, standing straight ahead, they wait. To the left, the Amazigh of the Rift Valley; to the right, the people from Senegal. They all hope to find work in Marjal or in a garden by the bay. To work for a few coins they will shake with hands weathered by the desert.<em>What time?</em>The sound of a voice can be heard from further away. To avoid fights over a crust of bread, they divided up the space. Those who come to the plaza are almost always the newest arrivals. They don't speak, they don't understand; they say yes to almost everything, they don't complain. They have a gleam in their eyes, their hearts beat with anticipation of their uncertain future, while silently they think of their families, those they left behind at their parents' house.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-sufis-of-sa-pobla-discreet-presence_129_5638843.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 05 Feb 2026 06:30:52 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[Elsie Clews Parsons]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/elsie-clews-parsons_129_5611691.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>The locomotive was a Nasmyth & Wilson Class 25. Its wheel arrangement was 2-2-0; that is, it had two leading front axles, two driving axles, and no rear axles. It was actually a tender locomotive, meaning it carried both coal and water on the same chassis, and therefore didn't have a separate tender car towed by larger locomotives. It began to slip on the wet tracks with a squeal of iron on iron; a thick cloud of black smoke filled the platforms of Palma Central Station. The walls and floor were covered in fine soot that got into the nose.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/elsie-clews-parsons_129_5611691.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Thu, 08 Jan 2026 06:30:33 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[Where is the soul of Sa Pobla?]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/where-is-the-soul-of-sa-pobla_129_5587419.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>During the Spanish Civil War and the years that followed, the market square of Sa Pobla and a timber warehouse facing it were the scene of one of the harshest and cruelest repressions the town has ever experienced. Can Garroví—as the timber warehouse was called—and the entire square were surrounded by barbed wire to confine the forced labor battalion assigned to build a railway for military use that was to connect Sa Pobla with Alcúdia. In reality, we had a concentration camp made up of some two hundred soldiers who had been loyal to the Republic. More than prisoners, they lived there for nearly three years as slaves, and the market square was their world and epicenter.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/where-is-the-soul-of-sa-pobla_129_5587419.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Tue, 09 Dec 2025 18:15:26 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[Mass sung by Gatamoix]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/mass-sung-by-gatamoix_129_5558555.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p><img src="https://static1.ara.cat/clip/6c4ac667-523c-45b4-afa7-6a89daccd9cd_16-9-aspect-ratio_default_0.jpg" /></p><p>We humans are the sum of the stories we have inherited and those we have lived. We are also the stories of others. Today we want to share a special, different story: that of people who lived and died in the agricultural colony of Gatamoix at the end of the 19th century. We also want to tell you the odyssey of the La Trobe-Bateman family, English people who came from Northern Europe, who built, furnished, and maintained the colony until, in December 1893, they had to return to London and leave the houses and land they had built in the hands of others. So much life and death have been given to us throughout time.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/mass-sung-by-gatamoix_129_5558555.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Tue, 11 Nov 2025 18:15:34 +0000]]></pubDate>
      <media:content url="https://static1.ara.cat/clip/6c4ac667-523c-45b4-afa7-6a89daccd9cd_16-9-aspect-ratio_default_0.jpg" type="image/jpeg"/>
      <media:title><![CDATA[The chapel of Gatamoix]]></media:title>
      <media:thumbnail url="https://static1.ara.cat/clip/6c4ac667-523c-45b4-afa7-6a89daccd9cd_16-9-aspect-ratio_default_0.jpg"/>
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      <title><![CDATA[Social manipulation and synthetic reality]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/social-manipulation-and-synthetic-reality_129_5528852.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>Many families don't suspect that they're living with digital trolls and coordinated bots in their homes and that their teenage children have become night owls on Vox's farms. We were taught that realities were either objective or subjective; today our children have transformed them into synthetic ones. Therefore, we shouldn't be surprised that in the next elections (whatever they may be), despite having raised young people within a moderate center-right environment or a domesticated or liquefied socialism, young people will overwhelmingly vote for the far right. What's happening? What's happening to us? Is it happening all over the Western world? When and how did this process of manipulation begin? Who are the people, or are they, who are running this global network? What's their profile?</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/social-manipulation-and-synthetic-reality_129_5528852.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Tue, 14 Oct 2025 17:15:32 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[Civil Protection, facing human weaknesses]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/civil-protection-facing-human-weaknesses_129_5499086.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>This summer has been quite complicated in the world of Civil Protection. We have been able to confirm, once again and at all levels, that we have quality emergency systems and civil protection, both in terms of human and material resources, coordination, intelligence, and operational capacity. But, for the umpteenth time, we citizens have had to endure statements and arguments from some politicians and parties that embarrass us. They seem to think that anything goes if they can wear down or discredit their opponent. They often act with a childish and clumsy outlook, with a short-sighted vision: they only look out for their own interests and those of their party, never looking out for society as a whole. And while we waste energy on this miserable obsession, we citizens are forced to put up with it, instead of focusing—all of us—on what really matters: the protection of people, property, and the environment.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/civil-protection-facing-human-weaknesses_129_5499086.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Tue, 16 Sep 2025 17:15:53 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[We feel like wrecks of the Government, Madam President!]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/we-feel-like-wrecks-of-the-government-madam-president_129_5474534.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>When the news of the train to Sa Pobla arrived, we were unaware of the summer that awaited us. That's life. If the study and the train layout had been carried out with care and sensitivity toward the people and the territory, surely no one would have said much, but no, that wasn't the case. Two red lines crisscrossed and ruthlessly dissected the flat lands of Marjal. At any price? We said no on the first day. The Government hadn't brought us the train we needed; it had presented us with what it wanted us to have. No one from the Directorate General for Mobility or the SFM, during this term, was interested enough to conduct a review and realize the dangers this study entailed. The paradox is that the work was contracted to Ayesa in January 2023, incredible but true.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/we-feel-like-wrecks-of-the-government-madam-president_129_5474534.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Tue, 19 Aug 2025 17:16:07 +0000]]></pubDate>
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      <title><![CDATA[The Marjal train]]></title>
      <link><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-marjal-train_129_5452117.html]]></link>
      <description><![CDATA[<p>These days of fighting against this train-like train they want to impose on us, I've thought a lot about my mother and father. I suppose the same thing happens to you. Their worries, their dreams, that extreme work from dawn to dusk. Their determination to get ahead, to float. Hours and hours of work and suffering... often just to survive and be able to pay four bills. What would they say if they were alive? I believe, I am convinced, that we draw strength from their memory and their legacy. Cati Mayol wrote a phrase on the Civic Platform's Facebook page, which says: "This group was born from the love for their land and the urgent need to protect what we are." With a single phrase, she captured the essence of the world we believe in and that sustains us. Don't give up... together we can stop this madness.</p>]]></description>
      <dc:creator><![CDATA[Pere Perelló]]></dc:creator>
      <guid isPermaLink="true"><![CDATA[https://en.arabalears.cat/opinion/the-marjal-train_129_5452117.html]]></guid>
      <pubDate><![CDATA[Tue, 22 Jul 2025 17:15:31 +0000]]></pubDate>
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