Ara Balears in English - Policy

Why tourist degrowth is, for now, a chimera

Miquel Payeras — Wed, 05 Aug 2026 19:34:37 +0000

It is possible that some participant in the demonstration of July 26 in Palma truly believes that it is possible to change the economic model and achieve what the organizers claimed, degrowth. Let them lose all hope. At least for now there is not the slightest crack to make it possible. In the future, who knows, in twenty years, thirty...

Ibiza in the portrait of Dorian Gray

Cristina Amanda Tur — Tue, 04 Aug 2026 05:31:16 +0000

In The Picture of Dorian Gray, Oscar Wilde –sublime beyond his capabilities– presents us with a man who keeps his beauty intact while his moral degradation, his corruption, remains hidden in a portrait that ages and decays in his place.

Triumphant

Melcior Comes — Wed, 29 Jul 2026 05:32:42 +0000

These days of patriotic celebration in honor of the Spanish footballers who have won the World Cup, we see how there is no form of nationalism that is not made against a good part of the 'nations' involved. Spain can beat Argentina or whoever, but what should be the symbol of sporting superiority of one human group over another becomes the emblem of the supremacism of a group or an idea of the Spanish nation above the other peoples of Spain. They are victories that are celebrated mostly internally, and not at all externally. They serve for the inside; those on the outside don't even look at them or pass by them completely, either enraged or indifferent. Those who say that football should be separated from politics should admit, at least, that it is impossible to separate sporting results from it, because they are immediately used politically as instruments of symbolic imposition, as emblems of an identity that erases or sidelines others. And needless to say, they are instrumentalized by the power of the moment, whether it be the monarchy or the progressivism of the Madrid government, which will make good use of it to interpret everything in view of its electoralist squabble. Spain could be a plural, multilingual, diverse, and inclusive project, needless to say it is theoretically and intellectually possible, but in practice it is a project of dissolution, assimilation, and erasure, or which even lives with discomfort, not the Catalan identity of some players, but their different skin color or their faith in Islam. There has been no World Cup celebration party that has not been erected into a party of mockery, where chants against the minorities of the Spanish state itself are common, without any mockery for the fallen rivals on the way to the final. States are made against nations, not against other states, which are also political machines of mass destruction of languages and differences, which, needless to say, are gladly renounced, all to be able to participate in the triumph without worries or bad conscience. We are seeing how it is especially children who are assimilated in this kind of collective euphoria explosions, because it is above all a form of infantilism, this nationalism based on ignorance or contempt or even self-hatred that leads you to forget your identity or language and to want to integrate into the 'victorious' mass.

Does the robe also vote?

Joan Pau Jordà — Wed, 22 Jul 2026 05:45:21 +0000

If an alien landed in our country today and only read the newspaper headlines, they would probably think that Spain is governed from the courts, and perhaps they wouldn't be too wrong. While Pedro Sánchez's PSOE accumulates investigations affecting the Government's circle and the PP continues to be pursued by corruption cases, in our country a simple graffiti at an environmental protest has even been classified as terrorism. The feeling is that a large part of the political confrontation has moved from parliaments to the courts, to the point that judges seem to have become another actor in the public dispute. In this context, the question is inevitable: does justice really work?Before attempting to answer the question, it is worth remembering a fact. A democracy is not limited to holding elections every four years; it also needs independent institutions that mutually control each other. The Constitution proclaims this separation of powers and guarantees judicial independence. However, there is often a considerable distance between principle and practice. After all, courts do not exist outside of society, but are part of it and inevitably reflect its tensions and contradictions.Judges have a certain way of understanding the world, like anyone else. And the data show a reality that is difficult to deny: only one in ten judges considers themselves progressive. This does not automatically make judges biased. One can be conservative and apply the law with absolute professionalism. But it is also legitimate to wonder if a judiciary so ideologically homogeneous does not end up generating certain biases, even if they are unconscious. Because, I ask myself, is it healthy that those who judge such a plural society come almost always from the same social environment?Citizens, in any case, have already passed judgment. According to a survey by Ateneo del Dato, almost half of Spaniards consider that justice is not impartial. The CIS is even more forceful: almost nine out of ten citizens believe that a powerful person does not receive the same treatment as an ordinary citizen, and confidence in the courts barely reaches 4.76 out of 10. A justice that does not inspire confidence is an institutionally weaker justice.The responsibility for this situation is shared: political polarization has turned the courts into an extension of Parliament. Parties applaud rulings that benefit them and denounce those that harm them as if they were an attack on democracy. Leaks of case files fuel parallel trials and some particularly controversial instructions end up damaging the credibility of the entire system. And that's how we are.I believe that justice functions reasonably well in the vast majority of everyday conflicts – a divorce, a traffic accident, and a robbery, for example. It does so with an often despairing slowness, but, in general terms, it fulfills its corresponding function and is comparable to that of countries in our environment, such as France, Italy, and Portugal. However, we must not forget that it is a justice of a liberal democracy, with the virtues and limitations that this entails.His big problem, then, is another. The reason is that whoever has money buys time. He can hire the best lawyers, file appeals almost indefinitely, and withstand processes that last for years. Whoever doesn't have it, resigns themselves. Equality before the law is a legal principle; equality before the possibilities of defending oneself is another story.Nor can it be ignored that the Spanish justice system is an institution heir to the Transition and, therefore, to the transformation of the structures of the Francoist state into a democratic system. And, as in so many other areas, some inertia still persists, such as the elitism of the judiciary itself. Let us remember that accessing the judicial career requires years of preparation for competitive examinations without income, a luxury that many families cannot afford. Then, some are still surprised that judges often share the same social background, the same legal culture, and a certain way of understanding the world.Finally, a reflection addressed to Majorcanists: it is important not to forget an evidence that too often goes unnoticed. The magistracy is a power of the State and, like any other state institution, has the function of guaranteeing and preserving the current constitutional order. Therefore, expecting the courts to resolve linguistic and self-government conflicts that call into question this very constitutional framework is an unrealistic expectation. After all, it is difficult for any judicial power in the world to adopt decisions that contradict the legal and constitutional foundations on which its own authority is based.Perhaps the lesson is this: justice can resolve disputes, prosecute crimes, and protect rights, but it will never replace politics. Those who aspire to transform society would do well not to confuse courts with ballot boxes, nor judgments with solutions to major collective conflicts.

Why Armengol has decided not to contest the presidency to Prohens

Miquel Payeras — Wed, 08 Jul 2026 05:45:53 +0000

10 months left until the election campaign and less than 11 until the elections. And nothing has changed compared to two years ago, when a depressed and unmotivated left-wing opposition was beginning to be seen, that the Government was toying with Vox and that the PP and the far-right would add up again next time.The most significant fact that confirms everything is as it was is Francina Armengol's renunciation of disputing the presidency with Prohens again. If one only reads the bold print of the deed, or as the island PSOE has sold it, one cannot appreciate in any way the political burden it truly carries. To value it in its just measure, it must be placed in the pertinent context.Armengol received the 2023 defeat as a blow, if not personal, at least against her political pride. And a very deep one. This is explained by what her circle asserted throughout the year before the elections. That what they called 'the Francina effect' existed, the attraction directly attributable to the leader's public personality and her management in the Government, which would produce a sufficient number of votes that would dispel assumptions about a potential right-wing victory, a possibility they disdained, especially because they did not believe Prohens had the capacity to regain enough support for the PP.It was a conception of electoral politics that deliberately abstained from the main characteristic that the behavior of suffrage in the Balearic Islands has had in recent decades: the growing importance of the national key. Despite this phenomenon, easily perceptible in the evolution of the results at the polls since at least 2007, they faced the 2023 elections with that conviction.It is worth saying that it was not only the Armengolian environment that said so. It was a more widespread perception. Even among certain nationalists, it was believed that the president had a personal and political advantage that would help her — and incidentally, the entire left — to be re-elected for the third consecutive time. And this was not only happening in the world of political aristocracy: trade unionists and members of independent civil associations, anti-PP and pro-left, thought much the same.Everything, however, changed when a few weeks before the elections the socialist leadership began to understand – surely because of the internal polls that would reach them from the central office – that the fantasy of the aforementioned effect was fading, if it had ever existed.The electoral night did nothing more than confirm the catastrophe: the left lost the Government and Armengol, the presidency. Suddenly, however, the socialists warned – it was a correct reading, there was no doubt: they were right – that they were not responsible for the disaster, but for the collapse of the far-left. Undeniable: Podemos went from 6 deputies to 1. Neocommunism was sinking and dragging the entire left towards the opposition abyss.The slogan that the local PSOE leadership then imposed was that the defeat was a mere parenthesis and that Prohens, in her incompetence, would not manage and Armengol would return to be president in 2027, even if she had fled to Madrid, taking advantage of the general elections of July 2023.It is believable that he thought so. Or, at least, that he was eager to return and "finish the job".At the end of 2024, at the PSOE federal congress in Seville, Armengol hinted at least to two Majorcan journalists – who later recounted it – that she would indeed be a candidate against Prohens. It is even more forceful than when the regional congress was held in March 2025, the website of the Balearic Socialist Party welcomed the re-election of the undisputed leader with: “Armengol announces the first measure for when she returns to being president in 2027…”.The following months, in fact, throughout that year, things – possibly based on fierce polls for the socialists – changed. When in February 2026 the newspaper Última Hora reported that Armengol would resign due to the evidence that the chances of winning again were nil, it was certainly already decided for several weeks.The same newspaper recently published the poll – conducted by the always reliable Balearic Institute of Social Studies – of voting intention which made clear the reason for the resignation: the PSOE is already losing 3.7 percentage points compared to the 2023 result and, worse, loses 4 seats, while the far-left disappears. The nationalists only add one more deputy, in Menorca, and the regionalists get none; the PP is close to an absolute majority and if it doesn't have it – which is more likely – it will be able to make a deal again with Vox, which will at least increase by one seat.This is the reason that explains why Armengol wants to stay in Madrid and confirms what was beginning to be seen two years ago and that the PSOE has now implicitly confessed: that the left has nothing to do.

Papists

Sebastià Portell — Thu, 18 Jun 2026 05:32:50 +0000

I highly doubt there is anyone left on the face of the earth who is not yet aware: in recent days, the visit of Pope Leo XIV to Madrid, Catalonia, and the Canary Islands has monopolized a large part of the media's news diet, both state and national. Any topic has been good to stir the pot: the proportion of Catalan he would use during homilies, the language of the blessing of the Jesus tower, who sang and performed at the shows, who would meet him, who wouldn't...Of all this, however, there has been one aspect that has particularly caught my attention, and I believe few people, perhaps out of shame, their own or others', or rather out of interest (in this case, entirely their own) have commented much on: Prevost's visit and speech to the Congress of Deputies.First of all, it is problematic that politicians of all stripes, and especially progressives, who should defend the non-confessionality (if not the secularism) of the State, have tried to pass off the visit of a religious leader as that of a head of state. That the highest representative of a religion on Earth visits a country is no small matter, and it certainly has its interest, especially for believers of that confession. But giving this gentleman spaces, focus, and microphones that should belong exclusively to the people and their representatives, such as Congress, should make us question whether everything has been done very well.Would anyone think of inviting Donald Trump to defend the legalization of weapons under the watchful eye of President Armengol? Who would find it normal for leaders like Putin and Netanyahu to go and harangue Spaniards to participate in their wars under Tejero's bullet holes? Would the deputies of practically all political parties applaud after hearing a fierce apology for the death penalty against realities such as homosexuality, transsexuality, or "adultery"?This, more or less, is what the Government of Pedro Sánchez and the upper house of the State have allowed: to give a voice in a place that should be primarily for the representatives of the citizens to a person who has gone to defend theses that attack not only current laws in our State, such as equal marriage, voluntary interruption of pregnancy, or euthanasia, but also some basic principles also enshrined in the Constitution (alas!).I ask myself if this would have happened fifteen years ago, during Zapatero's government. I ask myself if José María Aznar, or Felipe González, would have dared. Surely we will never know and we will have to settle for this image: a religious leader lecturing the people's representatives on topics that we have already resolved, that we are clear about, on which we should not have asked for the opinion of a man who will neither marry nor ever get pregnant, to mention only the topics that concern us. We can rest assured, however: in the end, all the politicians knew how to find a way to emphasize that the speech had favored them. They have become papists.

Between 'lawfare' and post-truth

David Abril — Tue, 02 Jun 2026 05:30:37 +0000

Since the Zapatero affair broke out, almost every day we are faced with a new surprise. Some, quite surreal. The feeling of disbelief is great even among those who for a long time put our heart and soul into the fight against corruption. But there are too many elements here that point to what has come to be called lawfare, the use of 'justice' to criminalize and bring down politicians, particularly progressives, through a lot of disinformation and little evidence. It happened with Lula in Brazil, and we have seen it in the Kingdom of Spain with the leaders of the Procés, the comrades of Podem, and a couple of years ago, with the case of our friend Mònica Oltra, who already warned us that we could all be, like her, victims of infamous maneuvers to civilly kill those who stand up to defend progressive values.

Jordi Pujol and us, the islanders

Francesc M. Rotger — Sat, 30 May 2026 14:08:45 +0000

He was widely admired, also in the Balearic Islands, until the judicial affair that affected his family broke out and from which he has been excluded due to his delicate health. Before that, Jordi Pujol was, for decades, the benchmark of Catalonia par excellence, with certain ties to the Islands. We remember them as half a century has passed since the controversy generated, in May 1976, by his supposed 'disembarkment' as a shareholder in the Majorcan magazine Cort, in the midst of the political Transition.

The grammar of security

Pere Perelló — Thu, 28 May 2026 05:31:07 +0000

Donald Winnicott (1896-1971), a British pediatrician and psychoanalyst, intuited and studied that the need for security accompanies human beings from the first moment of life. He explained the need to feel "held" by the environment in order to grow and live with confidence.Literally ‘to hold’ in English means: ‘to sustain’, ‘to contain’, ‘to protect with the hands’. But Winnicott gave it a much deeper psychological meaning. When a small child is physically and emotionally held by the mother, is fed, protected, comforted and understood, they develop a basic sense of trust in the world. This is what Winnicott called ‘holding’. They have the intimate feeling that the world will not collapse under your feet. Thanks to this ‘held environment’, the child can play, explore, grow and build themselves. Without this ‘holding’, anguish, insecurity and emotional fragility appear. On a social and global level, societies also need a kind of ‘holding collective’. I mean that we like to feel that there is order, to have reliable institutions, accepted and shared norms, a certain stability and an invisible network that sustains this coexistence. If this support fails –or we perceive that it fails– then the obsessive demand for security arises. It may sound daring, but security is not just about having police or not having crime. It is also trust, cohesion, a certain credibility, a sense of identity belonging... It is having the perception that someone upholds the collective framework. Perhaps modern societies are not only seeking more security, but to recover the feeling of ‘holding’: feeling that the world is still capable of holding them.Why have I chosen The grammar of security as the title of this article? Well, because security is also a language. There are symbols, emotions, perceptions, narratives, and even scenographies of power. We must be able to talk about security without falling into alarmist discourse, nor into the naivety of denial. How can we reconcile the need for protection and the boundaries between freedom and control? I also chose the word 'grammar' because it was very recently that I discovered the figure and legacy of Gianni Rodari, and I have been fascinated by him. In confidence, The grammar of security transmits resonances of The Grammar of Fantasy. Winnicott fits in perfectly, and applying it to a social and contemporary topic seemed audacious to me.Let's refine a bit more; in sa Pobla –in any town– when we see a dirty square, a broken streetlight, a dark street, we observe how it is transmitting an emotional message to the population. And in the face of these real events that trouble us so much on social networks, the theory of James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling fits in very well, which more or less stated that small signs of disorder can generate the perception of abandonment and insecurity even if the real level of delinquency or criminality is low. Obviously, the use of current information channels can be manipulated and redirected towards the interests of corporations, political parties, etc. It is one of the important challenges facing current societies: the abuse of manipulation and easy populism. This abuse in order to achieve "power". It seems we have reached one of the most poignant paradoxes we have today: "The more protected a society is, the less tolerant it is of uncertainty"". But, deep down, in a very internalized space, over the years of my police activity I have observed that people do not just ask for physical protection. They ask to feel that the world is still understandable, orderly, and governable. We return to my town; last April, in sa Pobla, four low-intensity criminal acts, or minor delinquency, occurred. The perpetrator was quickly identified and brought before the judicial authorities; he was a repeat offender and quite well-known. Some of the affected parties and others used social media and amplified their fear. Some political parties saw an opportunity to gain visibility, increase their presence, and use it for political purposes. This happens every so often, almost cyclically. It is certainly legitimate, but in reality – dealing with a sensitive issue – they are 'playing' with the emotions and fears of the citizens. The result was that in the following weeks there was an increase in the perception of insecurity and fear among the townspeople. Evidently, political consensus among all forces on security matters has not yet matured enough and – at the municipal level – it is practically non-existent. The defense and joint work for the citizens will still have to wait.However, let's stop and get to the facts. The municipality of sa Pobla, its town hall, has allocated an average of between 10% and 11% of its initial budget to citizen security in the last five years. This is a relatively high ratio if we compare it to the rest of the municipalities in Spain. This means that – for the governing team – it has been an important priority when designing its municipal policies. Each inhabitant of Huialfàs spends approximately one hundred and five euros annually on local security. State-level security expenses are outside these figures. This would be an objective fact, but it is very far from the perception that many people from sa Pobla have.There is a lot of work to do and –above all– a lot of work to explain, to make understood. Personally, I would like to delve into the next article on the role played by the Local Police and our privacy that we are losing, in this complex and interesting mosaic. To summarize, we can conclude that the great drama of modern societies is not only real insecurity, but the constant need to feel protected. And the inevitable question that remains is: Why does an objectively secure society continue to be so afraid?Note: This week I have ended my labor and social contract with the Local Police of sa Pobla. It has been more than forty-four years of dedication. In the beginning, I was a young man with more curiosity than training, these were different times. I have tried to give back to my town all that it has given me. The feeling of gratitude is enormous. The finite landscape and the faces of the people who have already departed have also accompanied me. I have made mistakes many times and I apologize to those I may have hurt or harmed. Life goes on and we need to savor it and share it. Until the next article, thank you.

The Feixina and political reading

Cristina Ros — Fri, 08 May 2026 17:55:35 +0000

When the Arca association asks to stop politically manipulating the Feixina monument, as it has done in recent days, it is difficult to know if it speaks from naivety or from a very specific – and very typical – form of political intervention. Because there is only one possible reading of the Feixina, and that is political. The monument was conceived politically, erected politically, and inaugurated politically. By a dictatorship.

The right to ask for 1,200 euros in rent for an apartment is below the citizen's right to dignified housing

David Marquès — Thu, 07 May 2026 19:47:09 +0000

After eleven years as a councilor and seven as mayor of Maó, Héctor Pons Riudavets (Maó, 1990) reviews the most difficult term he has faced so far in the City Council. In minority and with the conditional support of his former partners from Ara Maó, the only socialist mayor in Menorca faces the remaining year of the legislature with the urgency to solve the problems that drag down the water supply and the determined objective of taking steps to facilitate access to housing for families in a context of such difficulty. But in these months, the future of the port is also being cooked.

Housing priority

David Abril — Tue, 05 May 2026 05:31:25 +0000

The pro-Trump Spanish patriotic party has done it again: it has slipped a new racist and exclusionary proposal onto the media and political agenda, which takes advantage of the diverse discontents of society to attack the most vulnerable people. At other times, women have been victims of male violence that, according to them, does not exist. Minors have also been turned into beasts whose teeth we must check. Now, it has targeted one of the groups they most often attack: migrants. With the typical and hackneyed propaganda of fascisms past and present: Spaniards, first. 'Ours', first.

Abel Matutes: from Franco's mayor to minister of democracy

Francesc M. Rotger — Sat, 02 May 2026 15:09:30 +0000

“N’Abel wants it all”. That’s what a veteran journalist from Ibiza, referring to Abel Matutes Juan, said years ago: a man who, in addition to his multiple businesses, certainly became practically everything in politics over three decades: mayor of Vila, a prominent figure of the Transition, senator, deputy, negotiator of the Statute of Autonomy, European commissioner, minister... We review his career as the thirtieth anniversary of his appointment, on May 5, 1996, as head of Foreign Affairs in José María Aznar’s first cabinet is celebrated.

The pre-election dance begins in the Balearic Islands: parties are already positioning themselves for 2027

Miquel Payeras — Wed, 15 Apr 2026 05:45:31 +0000

Thirteen months remain until the regional elections and all Balearic parties are already in full electoral campaign mode or, failing that, will be very soon.

Vox: fleas bite

Sebastià Portell — Thu, 09 Apr 2026 05:31:43 +0000

It should not surprise anyone that the party that has accumulated the most internal crises in the Balearic Islands since the beginning of the legislature (between splits, cross-accusations, and dissenting votes) is now going through its own ordeal at the state level. Let it be known that I do not use this Easter and Christian expression for nothing: what Vox is experiencing these weeks is the explosion of an escalation that its democratic tradition (sic) has precipitated since they began to torpedo the Spanish party map. Who could have imagined that a force so open to reflection, so fond of complexities, so enamored of individual liberties and dialogue would end up sinking on all fronts? Who would have said that the party of bracelets with the flag of the Empire and the 'fachalecos' (perhaps in Catalan we could call them 'fatxapits'...) would end up having serious internal problems due to a lack of debate and consensus?The electoral results in the recent elections in Aragón, Castilla y León, and Extremadura might suggest that the party is in top form, but its internal reality is very different. While the respective regional formations struggle to influence or enter these governments, it seems that numerous militants and founders of the far-right party would be trying to force an extraordinary congress to put an end to Santiago Abascal's leadership (that gentleman who for decades has denounced the vices of the political caste without ever having worked at anything else, yes, the man with chest hair who skipped military service), while, in parallel, the Justice system is investigating two high-ranking party officials accused of revealing secrets.In the Islands, meanwhile, the PSIB a few days ago made yet another attempt to remove Gabriel Le Senne from the position of President of the Parliament, a position he has not been worthy of since the PP granted it to him. They accused him, in fact, of being like his party: contrary to the plurality and neutrality that should mark the exercise of this position and, ultimately, complicit in extending and legitimizing the discourses and values that allow homophobic aggressions like the one suffered a few days ago by a teacher at the IES Baltasar Porcel in Andratx (an aggression that the Parliament has condemned in its entirety, without the vote of Vox). The PP, however, preferred to ignore the socialists' offer and keep in office the one who tore up the portrait of Aurora Picornell, a woman imprisoned, tortured, and murdered by the supporters of a dictatorship that neither the PP nor Vox have ever condemned.A few years ago, following a personal disappointment, a good friend told me that sometimes some people are also fleas, and fleas, as you know... Fleas bite. Thus, it is no surprise that the party that has sown discord and intolerance, those who have stirred up political debate even before having representation in any parliament, are now drinking their own medicine and attacking each other. If it weren't for the pathetic nature of it, it would even be a pleasure to watch.

The Government, in 'stand-by' and to the rhythm of Caribbean dances

Maria Llull — Sun, 29 Mar 2026 15:12:42 +0000

The apocalypse is approaching while the President of the Government, Marga Prohens, learns to dance bachata and someone in her cabinet, in a fit of inspiration, decides this is relevant enough information to share with the world. As could be expected, the PSIB reminded everyone of this throughout the six hours of the Parliament session on Tuesday. The Chamber increasingly resembles a stand-up comedy stage: everyone brings their prepared monologue, and if it goes well, the audience might even laugh for a while.

Far right and tyranny: the dangers of voting for extremist governments

Ferran Navinés — Thu, 26 Mar 2026 06:45:48 +0000

Polls indicate a growing proportion of young people who want to vote for the far right. Perhaps they should ask themselves what the far right would do if, for example, Trump decreed that, for the good of the Empire, not only were scholarships cut—that is, military spending increased to 5% of GDP—but also mandatory military service reinstated. They should also know that if they no longer liked this and wanted to protest, the far right would prevent them from doing so, for the good of the Empire and Spain's service to the Empire's vassalage. Who would defend them from tyranny then? No one, unless they themselves reorganized to defend their rights and freedoms, so absurdly lost to those who can enjoy democracy today but prefer to vote for tyranny tomorrow.

Pumps

Melcior Comes — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 06:30:32 +0000

In the extraordinary series Tehran (Apple TV) we see all the horrific machinations the Israelis engage in to overthrow Iran's theocratic regime. The fiction is Israeli, and we might think it's a politically charged message aimed at the Iranian regime or people, exposing the immense failings of their government, which it largely is. But at the same time, what's revealed is the unscrupulousness of Israeli intelligence itself, the Mossad, the way it uses and abuses its agents, and the horrific and tragic excess of its methods to destroy a regime that wants to arm itself not only to dominate the region but also to devastate it.

Neither investigation nor dignity for the victims: what falls with the memory law

Maria Llull — Tue, 10 Mar 2026 13:44:55 +0000

"Law 2/2018 (...) on memory and democratic recognition in the Balearic Islands will be repealed, and reconciliation will always be sought, avoiding historical manipulation and the partisan use of the victims and the tragedy of the civil conflict. Policies will be implemented to facilitate the recovery of deceased persons, without discrimination based on any grounds." "of monuments and historical elements, ensuring their proper maintenance and understanding within their historical context." This is what point 48 of the governance agreement signed by the PP and Vox on June 28th states, an agreement that was enacted in the plenary session of Parliament this Tuesday.

The PP regains the mayorship of Porreres 27 years later

J.Socies / J.M.Sastre — Sun, 08 Mar 2026 11:02:45 +0000

Maria Agnès Sampol Sabater (Porreres, 1986) has become the new mayor of Porreres, 27 years after the People's Party (PP) last governed the municipality, replacing Xisca Mora Veny. She assumed the position as part of a governing pact signed between the PP and El Pi after each party won four seats in the 2023 elections, while Más won five.