Mallorca Nova will hold its IV congress this Saturday afternoon at La Col·lectiva, in Palma, with the aim of consolidating itself as a reference for Mallorcan and left-wing youth in the face of the new political and electoral cycle. Under the slogan 'Mallorca, forward!', the youth organization linked to MÉS per Mallorca will renew its leadership and define the strategic lines that will mark its action over the next two years.

10 months left until the election campaign and less than 11 until the elections. And nothing has changed compared to two years ago, when a depressed and unmotivated left-wing opposition was beginning to be seen, that the Government was toying with Vox and that the PP and the far-right would add up again next time.The most significant fact that confirms everything is as it was is Francina Armengol's renunciation of disputing the presidency with Prohens again. If one only reads the bold print of the deed, or as the island PSOE has sold it, one cannot appreciate in any way the political burden it truly carries. To value it in its just measure, it must be placed in the pertinent context.Armengol received the 2023 defeat as a blow, if not personal, at least against her political pride. And a very deep one. This is explained by what her circle asserted throughout the year before the elections. That what they called 'the Francina effect' existed, the attraction directly attributable to the leader's public personality and her management in the Government, which would produce a sufficient number of votes that would dispel assumptions about a potential right-wing victory, a possibility they disdained, especially because they did not believe Prohens had the capacity to regain enough support for the PP.It was a conception of electoral politics that deliberately abstained from the main characteristic that the behavior of suffrage in the Balearic Islands has had in recent decades: the growing importance of the national key. Despite this phenomenon, easily perceptible in the evolution of the results at the polls since at least 2007, they faced the 2023 elections with that conviction.It is worth saying that it was not only the Armengolian environment that said so. It was a more widespread perception. Even among certain nationalists, it was believed that the president had a personal and political advantage that would help her — and incidentally, the entire left — to be re-elected for the third consecutive time. And this was not only happening in the world of political aristocracy: trade unionists and members of independent civil associations, anti-PP and pro-left, thought much the same.Everything, however, changed when a few weeks before the elections the socialist leadership began to understand – surely because of the internal polls that would reach them from the central office – that the fantasy of the aforementioned effect was fading, if it had ever existed.The electoral night did nothing more than confirm the catastrophe: the left lost the Government and Armengol, the presidency. Suddenly, however, the socialists warned – it was a correct reading, there was no doubt: they were right – that they were not responsible for the disaster, but for the collapse of the far-left. Undeniable: Podemos went from 6 deputies to 1. Neocommunism was sinking and dragging the entire left towards the opposition abyss.The slogan that the local PSOE leadership then imposed was that the defeat was a mere parenthesis and that Prohens, in her incompetence, would not manage and Armengol would return to be president in 2027, even if she had fled to Madrid, taking advantage of the general elections of July 2023.It is believable that he thought so. Or, at least, that he was eager to return and "finish the job".At the end of 2024, at the PSOE federal congress in Seville, Armengol hinted at least to two Majorcan journalists – who later recounted it – that she would indeed be a candidate against Prohens. It is even more forceful than when the regional congress was held in March 2025, the website of the Balearic Socialist Party welcomed the re-election of the undisputed leader with: “Armengol announces the first measure for when she returns to being president in 2027…”.The following months, in fact, throughout that year, things – possibly based on fierce polls for the socialists – changed. When in February 2026 the newspaper Última Hora reported that Armengol would resign due to the evidence that the chances of winning again were nil, it was certainly already decided for several weeks.The same newspaper recently published the poll – conducted by the always reliable Balearic Institute of Social Studies – of voting intention which made clear the reason for the resignation: the PSOE is already losing 3.7 percentage points compared to the 2023 result and, worse, loses 4 seats, while the far-left disappears. The nationalists only add one more deputy, in Menorca, and the regionalists get none; the PP is close to an absolute majority and if it doesn't have it – which is more likely – it will be able to make a deal again with Vox, which will at least increase by one seat.This is the reason that explains why Armengol wants to stay in Madrid and confirms what was beginning to be seen two years ago and that the PSOE has now implicitly confessed: that the left has nothing to do.

Ferran Montero Sitges, current councillor for Culture and Education, will be the next candidate for mayor of Manacor for MÉS-Esquerra, a party that thus becomes the first to publicly show its hand and make its face official for the May 2027 elections. Let's talk about it for a while.

Summer once again puts Marga Prohens (Campos, 1982) before the main challenge of her term: tourist saturation. Two years after she promised "brave" containment measures, the street is mobilizing again. She speaks to ARA Balears in her office at the Consulate, where she defends the Executive's management.

The general secretary of the Socialist Federation of Mallorca, Amanda Fernández, announced this Tuesday her candidacy to lead the PSIB list for the Consell de Mallorca in the 2027 elections.

The parliamentary session period closes after some tactical moves. The PP has maneuvered to stage a distancing from Vox. With the approval of the Omnibus Law, the popular party considers the debts of the budget pact settled and believes they no longer have to pay further tolls on sensitive issues, such as language. This was made clear with a decision that is a message in itself: approving the limitation of vehicles in Mallorca with the left-wing party in the Council without waiting for Vox, to send the text to Parliament the very next day. The decision caught the far-right off guard, and they ended up abstaining, seeing that otherwise, they would be alone in voting against it. The Government has warned that it will do the same with the agricultural law, the coastal law, and the budgets. But Vox is not losing its composure and interprets the PP's gestures in an electoral context. "They want to appear as moderate centrists now that the legislature is ending, but it's a lie," criticizes a Vox source.

It is the first time that an independent leads a list since MÉS per Mallorca was founded. David Pujol (Palma, 1980) will lead the MÉS per Palma candidacy in the municipal elections of 2027, with Xisca Mir as number two. He says these are tumultuous times and that precisely for this reason he is taking this step, in search of a broad left-wing front. However, he is also aware that he is racing against time and that the far-right wave is difficult to stop.

The recent popular singing of ‘La Balanguera’, organized by Obra Cultural Balear, was attended by Marga Prohens and other PP officials. The intention seemed to be, on the part of the organization, to hold a politically transversal symbolic event devoid of ideological connotations. It was achieved and the result was a great success in participation. 

Decide Calvià, Esquerra Unida de Calvià, Moviment Sumar Illes Balears and MÉS per Calvià presented this Saturday the coalition Esquerra per Calvià, a unitary candidacy with which the four formations plan to run in the municipal elections of May 2027.

“We are in shock, amazing”. “It is very frustrating”. “Whatever we do in the Islands, the reality of the PSOE overwhelms us”. “It is a tsunami”. These are some of the reactions among socialist party officials from the Islands after two weeks of national headlines about alleged corruption in the PSOE. The storm at Ferraz has impacted the morale of the PSIB at a delicate moment: with Francina Armengol's leadership in doubt and Iago Negueruela in the midst of a strategy change in Parliament.

The coordinator of MÉS per Mallorca, Lluís Apesteguia, and the deputy Maria Ramon announced this Saturday their candidacy for the primaries of the eco-sovereigntist party to lead the list in the 2027 regional elections. They did so with a call to strengthen the party's political project and with the intention of placing it in a position to contest political leadership in the Balearic Islands.

Politics has become a risky activity in Spain, a permanent race to sustain improbable majorities, a task more suited to acrobats and movie stuntmen. People who wouldn't suffer from vascular problems under any circumstances. Even in Andalusia, the PP's majority has not withstood the wear and tear. Anxiety and balancing acts: this is also the general situation in the Balearic Islands. Except in Ibiza. On the most turbulent island in the Mediterranean, as modern as it is feverish, politicians live in a beneficial oasis: it is the magic of absolute majority. There is one year left until the next local and regional elections (the last ones were on May 28, 2023) and not a leaf stirs on a tree here. Certainly, in recent weeks Aena has livened things up a bit with its delirious proposal to expand the airport. But hey! We know what we're about here; in a couple of days, no one will remember Aena and its megalomaniacal dreams – which I have no doubt will be executed to a high percentage. The season is starting, and we have to make money for the whole year.

Salvador Illa continues to lead the polls for the 12-M elections. According to the latest survey, published by Crónica Global, the socialists would improve their 2021 results and would secure 38 deputies – they currently have 33. However, Illa could once again emerge as the winner at the polls without reaching the Generalitat. According to the survey, pro-independence parties would maintain their majority with 69 seats, with Junts (33 deputies) ahead of Esquerra (28 deputies) and the CUP (8 deputies), a sum that could open the door to the investiture of former president Carles Puigdemont. Another possible governing majority would involve a tripartite government of socialists, republicans, and commons, who would secure five deputies in Parliament. Nevertheless, Esquerra has already publicly refused to make Illa president of the Generalitat.

“We are waiting for the Andalusians”. This was the mantra that the Balearic PP repeated after the results from Extremadura and Aragon. Juanma Moreno Bonilla is one of Marga Prohens' main points of reference among the popular barons. The president has sought to replicate both her managerial profile – with tax reductions and administrative simplification laws – and her moderate discourse and the model of relationship with Vox. But the insufficient victory of the Andalusian president who, with 53 seats, has fallen two deputies short of an absolute majority, has cast doubts on the Andalusian path, and forces the popular party to rethink its strategy for 2027.

MÁS per Mallorca has kicked off the primary process to choose candidates for the Consell de Mallorca and the Parliament. This was done after the Assembly met this Wednesday in Palma and approved the regulations that will govern these elections.

Thirteen months remain until the regional elections and all Balearic parties are already in full electoral campaign mode or, failing that, will be very soon.

A race against time for the PP to push through the maximum possible legislative changes before the elections. Their main obstacle is the slowness of bill processing in Parliament. To overcome it, they have devised some solutions: an abuse of the decree-law figure, which the Constitutional Court criticized last Friday in a ruling, and the stuffing of legislative initiatives with amendments that have nothing to do with them. But with the processing of the law to accelerate strategic projects, the popular party has gone too far: they have submitted 88 amendments affecting up to 70 different norms, most of them unrelated to strategic projects. Furthermore, they have introduced some of the agreements with Vox against Catalan and immigration.

The PP has presented dozens of amendments to the law on strategic projects that have nothing to do with the purpose of the norm. Some have served to create an almost parallel norm. Otherwise, it has invited Vox to present some of its pacts on Catalan and immigration, also through amendments.

Starting this week, we'll begin to see where the relationship between the PP and Vox might be headed, and therefore, we'll have a rough idea of ​​how it will impact Balearic politics right after next year's elections.