The school map of Palma, a legacy of Francoism (rich and poor separated by a line)

PalmWhile Palma was divided into as many as eight school zones during the time of the left-wing coalition government, there are currently only two. This is part of the path towards a single zone, a measure advocated by the Balearic Government to guarantee what it considers "free choice of school" for families. There are significant differences between these two zones regarding the availability of public and private schools. The distribution of these two types of schools is partly determined by the urban planning policies of the Francoist development boom of the 1960s, 70s, and subsequent years. Zone A includes neighborhoods in the North district—such as El Secar de la Real, Establecimientos, Son Espanyol, Son Sardina, Caso Capiscol, Campo Redondo, Buenos Aires, Plaza de Toros, Son Oliva, Amanecer, El Olivo, La Indioteria Urbana and Rural, and Archiduque—and in the West district—Bellver, La Teulera, Son Espanyolet, Son Dureta, Santa Catalina, El Jonquet, and Son Vida—as well as half of the Central district. In this area, the presence of private-subsidized schools is practically equivalent to that of public schools. There are 25 private-subsidized schools (46.29% of the total), compared to 18 primary schools (33.33%), 9 secondary schools (16.66%), one combined primary and secondary school (1.85%), and one combined primary and secondary school (1.85%). Overall, public schools represent 53.69% of the total.

The area where private schools have the greatest presence coincides with Palma's wealthiest neighborhoods. In Son Rapinya, for example, there's a veritable theme park of schools: La Salle and Montesión face each other, and just a few meters away is Madre Alberta. In Son Espanyolet, the Mata de Jonc cooperative is separated from the Sagrat Cor shopping center only by the park of the same name. According to 2023 data from the National Institute of Statistics (INE), the average annual income per consumption unit in this district is €31,850, even higher in the census tracts where Montesión (€36,050) and La Salle and Madre Alberta (€29,750) are located. Generally, all the districts in Zone A significantly exceed the city average and are far from the poorest district, Son Gotleu, which has an average income of €10,850.

Zone B encompasses Palma's poorest neighborhoods—such as Pere Garau, La Soledad, Son Gotleu, and Son Canals—but also areas experiencing economic growth and gentrification, like Nou Llevant. It also includes Playa de Palma, Son Ferriol, the outlying areas surrounding the airport, extending to Llucmajor, and part of the city center. Public schools account for 64.28% of the schools (an increase of 11 percentage points compared to Zone A): 42.85% are primary schools (a decrease of 9 percentage points compared to Zone A, with 24 schools), 14.28% are secondary schools (a decrease of 2.4 percentage points, with 8 schools), and 5.35% are combined primary and secondary schools (a decrease of 5 percentage points, with one school). Private schools account for 35.71%, a decrease of 11 percentage points (20 schools).

It should be mentioned that currently in the poorer areas of Palma there is also a presence of subsidized schools with a social function, such as Corpus Christi, located right in front of the CEIPIESO Gabriel Vallseca,One of the schools with the lowest socioeconomic index in the Balearic Islands; San Vicente de Paúl, in the La Soledad area, and El Temple, on Manuel Azaña Street, among other examples. However, within this area, and separated by a mere 500 meters, lies the reality of the Graduate School, with an extremely vulnerable and predominantly foreign student body, and that of the Sant Francesc Community Center, with a generally more affluent and local student profile.

How did this distribution come about?

The phenomenon of state-subsidized private schools in the Balearic Islands is a direct consequence of the economic and social development of the country from the late 1950s onwards. According to Dr. Pere Fullana Puigserver, Professor of Theory and History of Education at the UIB, "the boom The concept of state-subsidized private schools originated from the Francoist development policies of the 1950s and was strengthened by the General Education Law of 1970. At that time, the schools that are now state-subsidized private were completely private and only families who could afford them attended.

In the mid-20th century, Spain underwent rapid social transformation, with a growing demand for education and a public system still insufficient to meet it. "In the 1950s, the need for schooling began to increase, and religious orders took advantage of this gap to expand," Fullana points out. During this decade, schools such as San Francisco (1952) and San Felipe Neri (1953, now Gorg Blau) were founded, concentrated in the city center or near the main avenues: Trinitarias, La Pureza, San Agustín, and La Salle (which is now in Son Rapinya).

Palma's urban development plan, already underway in the 1960s, envisioned the creation of socio-educational areas. But private schools anticipated the development of the new neighborhoods. "La Salle already knew the city would grow westward, so it acquired land outside the center," explains Fullana. Areas like Son Rapinya, Son Serra, and Vileta experienced a real population boom. "These are the new neighborhoods of the middle classes, families who can invest in education and who look for a specific type of school," summarizes Fullana. In this context, San Cayetano (currently private and expensive) and cooperative projects like CIDE, founded in 1962 by teachers of Lluís Vives, also emerged. "These teachers saw that education could be a business, but also an engine of urban development: a school fosters urbanization, and urbanization benefits the school," explains the doctor. The public school, lagging behind

While the private sector consolidated its presence, public education progressed more slowly. "Public education arrived late and didn't begin to grow until the Transition," says Fullana. During those years, Palma only had three secondary schools: Antoni Maura, Ramon Llull, and Joan Alcover. Meanwhile, the number of private schools multiplied: Madre Alberta, Montesión, La Salle, CIDE, Mater Misericordiae, Sagrado Corazón, Santa Mónica, and San José Obrero were established in different parts of the city, often before the arrival of public schools.

The approval of the General Education Law marked a turning point. According to Fullana, "this law forced the closure of 70 percent of the schools run by the Sisters of Charity and the Augustinian nuns," leaving many teenagers without a school. Some congregations reinvented themselves: the Sisters of the Sacred Heart founded Jesús María, which quickly reached 700-800 students. Other projects, such as that of the Franciscan Sisters, attempted to build large secondary schools, but ended up founding Mater Misericordiae "with a clear social vocation." Meanwhile, in working-class neighborhoods like Son Gotleu, public schools gained momentum, while private schools mostly relocated to wealthier areas, where they later became subsidized private schools.

During those years, many religious institutions made strategic moves: the nuns of the Pureza bought land for a new school, La Salle built a large center with modern facilities that "at the time were scandalous because of how spectacular they were," and Montesion acquired land that it later sold as it moved in. These decisions not only benefited the schools themselves but also contributed to shaping a Palma that was growing both urbanistically and educationally. "Educational centers are key to understanding the city's urban expansion: they were an engine of growth and an element of attraction to the new neighborhoods," Fullana points out.

Differentiated Identities

Despite sharing roots, within the Catholic school system, the large private schools adopt distinct profiles. "If you compare La Salle, Montesión, and Madre Alberta, you see three franchises of the same brand, but with very different educational projects," Fullana points out. La Salle, he indicates, is more open and liberal; Madre Alberta, more religious and traditional; Montesión, for its part, "is committed to an elite, conservative education geared towards affluent families with international aspirations." "Historically, it has been a school linked to wealthy families; many of its students end up studying at foreign universities, and their parents send them there thinking of that future for them."

Fullana concludes that the growth of these private schools cannot be understood without the urban transformation of La Palma in the 1960s and 70s, nor without the rise of a middle class that desired a specific type of education. The city and its schools grew together, and the educational decisions of that era still (in some ways) shape the current school landscape of La Palma.