Educational freedom, a practical case
The official opening of the last school year was a declaration of intent. President Prohens chose a highly significant setting for the occasion: a visit to the La Salle Mahon State High School.
Thus began the first state-funded high school classroom on the entire island of Menorca, where there is no shortage of public places at this stage of education, which, let's remember, is post-compulsory.
The dubious need to subsidize—that is, fully subsidize—this private baccalaureate program invites us to delve deeper into the system of school subsidies, regulated by current legislation. The law makes it clear that public authorities have the obligation to guarantee the right to education through "a sufficient supply of public places" (Art. 109.1 of the LOMLOE) and requires that "the existence of sufficient public places" be guaranteed (Art. 109.3). It also requires observing the principle of "economy and efficiency in the use of public resources" (Art. 109.4) and promoting "a progressive increase in school places in the network of publicly owned schools" (Art. 109.5).
The same law also clarifies that schools eligible for the educational partnership system must address "schooling needs" (Art. 106.1) and that, when granting a partnership, preference will be given to "those that serve school populations from disadvantaged economic circumstances, those that carry out educational initiatives, and those that operate on a cooperative basis" (Art. 116.2). And one last note: "The partnership for post-compulsory education is of a unique nature" (Art. 116.7).
It is clear that the rationale behind educational agreements is to "outsource" the management of a portion of educational places, to effectively guarantee the right to education in those specific cases where the public system cannot provide the necessary services. And this—very important—does not in any way exempt the Administration from continuing to work to ensure coverage of the right—free universal education—through places within its own network.
However, it seems that the current regional government is unclear about something so logical—and so clear from a legal standpoint. The school year inaugurated in La Salle's brand-new privately-funded classroom began with an additional 1,183 students: public schools lost 488, while private schools gained 1,671.
It's clear that the justification for this trend isn't a one-off outsourcing to meet a specific need, but rather a determined commitment to the gradual privatization of the school system, funded by the CAIB's budget. It's not an organizational solution, but an ideological choice. "Freedom," says President Prohens.
We're already familiar with the current government's tendency to expand and expand "freedom of choice," beyond logic or legal requirements. And the obsession with always doing so in the same direction: Castilianization, privatization... Let's look at this with a practical example: the Ferreries case.
The Castell de Santa Àgueda Primary School has been in the news this year because it received 33 applications for its 3-year-old classroom—the maximum enrollment ratio is 22 students—leaving 11 students without a place for the next academic year. Although the school offered to create a new classroom to meet demand, as it had done on other occasions, the Regional Ministry—suddenly less sensitive to the issue of freedom—has ruled out any expansion of places and is sending the excluded students to the village religious school, which had only received nine applications and, therefore, would jeopardize the subsidy for this group if it hadn't received the enrollment.
In other words, the freedom of choice for families in Ferreries who had opted for the public system has proven "unacceptable" to a government so "liberal" that it has rushed to save the agreed-upon offer despite the lack of demand.
In the Pilot Plan, on the other hand, "freedom" is much better remunerated and the Government always finds the price to pay "affordable." Consulting the data from the Ministry itself – response to the OCB via the Transparency Portal, February 2025 – incomprehensible cases appear.
Just a few examples: Nuestra Señora de Consolación de Alaró has received additional resources to segregate students, even though only five chose to take Medi in Spanish. The same is true for Juan de la Cierva: a split classroom for six students who chose Spanish; Virgen de las Nieves: four students in Spanish; Alonso M. de Ligorio: four students in Spanish... We could go on. Everyone has been able to split their classroom. The Regional Ministry has paid for it without any problem.
The comparison with Ferreries is heartbreaking. And these are facts, Ms. Prohens, not perceptions.