Rufián, Sumar... What role should MÁS play in Madrid in 2027?

PalmHow to organize the space to the left of the PSOE to curb the rise of Vox? This question has been behind several recent moves in Madrid: Gabriel Rufián's (ERC) call to build a republican front and Yolanda Díaz's announcement that she will not run again as Sumar's candidate in 2027. For now, MÁS per Mallorca has avoided commenting on these changes or giving any clues about its future. But the debate engulfing the left affects them directly. Is it worth having a member of parliament in Congress? If they run again in a coalition, what alliances would be best? What role should Balearic eco-sovereignism play in Madrid? The sources consulted only agree on the starting point: AraMés must lead the candidacy in the Balearic Islands, whatever form it takes.

MÁS's experience in Congress has been a recurring topic of debate among its members since Vicenç Vidal took his seat. The eco-sovereignists tried to maximize their results within the limitations of belonging to a medium-sized constituency of eight deputies. Therefore, in 2023, MÁS opted to run alongside Díaz and join the Sumar parliamentary group. In the party's assemblies, the debate about whether or not this was a good decision has been heated, to the point that the rank and file have voted twice on whether to leave the parliamentary group. The option to remain in Sumar won, although the critical faction has gained strength, especially among the youth. Furthermore, the need to politically address issues of national jurisdiction highlights the importance that being in Madrid can have for the party. For example, the party has announced that it will register a proposal in Congress to prohibit non-residents from buying homes in the Balearic Islands. Waiting for the right opportunity

"We have the unique position of being part of both the Turia Agreement and the Lonja de Mar Declaration," explains Lluís Apesteguia, leader of MÉS per Mallorca. The former was signed with Compromís, Más País, the Aragonese Union (Chunta Aragonesista), and Equo Greens; and the latter with Junts per Catalunya, the National Call (Llamada Nacional), the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDECat), the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP), Democrats, EH Bildu, Valencian Left, the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG), and the Valencian Republic-European Valencianist Party. This position, he says, allows Ara Més—the alliance that includes eco-sovereignists from all the Balearic Islands—to negotiate with different left-wing and pro-independence groups and gives MÉS options. "In recent weeks, many have approached us," Apesteguia asserts. But the party has remained neutral for now. He did not attend the events organized by Rufián, nor did he say whether he intends to run again with Sumar. However, he insists on the need to lead whatever proposal is ultimately formed for the Balearic Islands. "We are the main party to the left of the PSIB, and we must assume the responsibility of articulating it," argues Apesteguia, who prioritizes strengthening the alliance of eco-sovereignists among the islands in the lead-up to 2027.

Congressman Vicenç Vidal says that "nothing is set in stone." He admits that Rufián's proposal to build a front with left-wing parties has "stirred debate and opinion." But the Republican's proposal is too vague—not even his own party, ERC, has joined him—to warrant a statement. Furthermore, MÉS leaders believe there cannot be a single formula for the entire country. Each region has a different electoral logic.

On the other hand, until Sumar clarifies its future, the eco-sovereignists will not decide whether to form another coalition. In any case, Apesteguia warns that by 2027 "some things must change." "No one's face can be on the ballot," he warns, criticizing the personalism of Díaz's 2023 candidacy. He also reproaches the parties that make up the Spanish government (Sumar and the PSOE) for not having "understood the need for everyone to see themselves reflected in government action." "It's very difficult for us to introduce the Islands' agenda; they haven't been able to grasp what plurality implies," he points out. "It's important that MÁS has a presence in Madrid," Vidal insists. "We've given a voice to the Islands, although, of course, we'd like to achieve more, because the Spanish government doesn't depend on my vote." An example of this, he highlights, is the creation of the Joint Commission on Insularity in Congress. The grassroots are scrutinizing Vidal's moves, as his position in Madrid is a historic milestone. There is a faction critical of the alliance with Sumar. "MAS lacks influence on public policy," these voices explain, pointing out that, until now, the benefit of having a seat in Madrid has primarily been "brand visibility and access to public funds." In fact, this source asserts, one of the arguments heard at the last assembly for keeping MAS in Sumar was that, if they left, they wouldn't receive their share of the electoral subsidy allocated to the group. Looking ahead, critics are divided between those who believe AraMés should run independently in Congress and then join the mixed group, and those who argue that the party shouldn't even be in the lower house. "Rufián's strategy of calling for a united vote against Vox will only drive voters to the PSOE, and the experience with Sumar has been very unstable," says a source who supports the latter option. "Perhaps it's time to retreat," they add. The internal debate is ongoing, but it's not formal. Party leaders insist on observing before taking any steps.