LGBTI

Blessed Saint Reprimoni, the Stonewall of Mallorca

The early years of the LGBTI movement are marked by political actions, the Gomila neighborhood becoming a gay hub, and the arrival of AIDS.

PalmThe playful and irreverent performance-procession of Sant Reprimoni is the Stonewall of the Balearic Islands' LGBTQ+ movement. The action was staged against the then-Socialist mayor of Palma, Ramon Aguiló, and ended with the police shoving and dragging along the ground the activists who were passively resisting. "I've seen and heard many things, but an action like this, never," says Jordi Petit, possibly one of those who knows the LGBTQ+ history of Spain and the world best, because he has been the international secretary of the movement. The protest took place in front of Palma City Hall on November 16, 1984. Ginés Quiñonero—who is now the most vocal anti-immigration voice in the Son Gotleu neighborhood and who recently campaigned for Vox—was then the deputy mayor and city councilor. Days before the protest, Quiñonero had ordered the closure of 32 establishments. Most were brothels, and three were gay bars located in the center of Palma: MAX-O, Bronx, and New Way. "The arbitrary and unjustified closure of these bars led to the organization of the procession. It was a Holy Week float with a puppet representing Mayor Ramon Aguiló, people in costumes, and even a censer," he explains. He continues: "Confetti and streamers were also thrown, and an adapted version of [the song] was sung." Sister Tomasseta "Blessed Saint Reprimoni, you can't hide, because gay people are looking for you and one day you'll fall." The driving force behind this action was Juan López, president of FAGI, the Gay Liberation Front of the Islands, "a hero in a conservative society like Mallorca's," says Petit. That day there were many police officers who wouldn't let the protesters enter the City Hall, so they decided to walk around the olive tree in Plaça de Cort. Finally, after waiting a long time, they were able to enter Palma City Hall to personally deliver to Ramon Aguiló the signatures they had collected against the closure of gay bars. "After five minutes the police came and dragged us out, grabbed us, and, because we resisted, they threw us out," recalls López.

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In the late 1970s, FAGI began operating with prominent figures from the cultural world, such as Biel Mesquida. Later, as mentioned earlier, it was led by Juan López, who in 1978 contacted Jordi Petit and became friends. From then on, the Gay Liberation Front of Catalonia (FAGC) and the Balearic Islands published a joint magazine. Juan López was also a member of the Communist Party, co-founder of the CCOO hospitality section, and as a union member, he was arrested several times. Once, he was detained for three days for staging a ten-minute strike. During his arrest, he explains, he suffered torture: heavy handcuffs, blows to the cheeks, threats of cigarette burns, and even threats of being burned with a gun. "I lost three kilos in those three days," he recalls. Petit applauds the work he did. "We must acknowledge his fighting spirit against an impossible balance of power; neither the left nor the entire community was on his side." In fact, when they mobilized against the closure of gay bars, a gay man known as La Diabla slapped him. "He owned a bar in Gomila, and although only the ones in the city center were closed, he was afraid our protest would affect his business," explains López, who, after 14 years of activism with FAGI, moved to Catalonia. "In Barcelona, I could breathe. I didn't like being labeled the official gay man of Mallorca," he says. The other media blunder he caused before leaving was his request for the yacht. Goshawk Franco to do gay cruises in the Islands.

Gomila, gay neighborhood

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In the late 80s and early 90s, FAGI gradually faded away, partly due to the volunteers' exhaustion. At that time, Gomila was the quintessential gay neighborhood. It boasted more than 12 gay bars, two hotels, and several saunas. "Some people stayed in the closet in their hometown, but then they'd go down to the Black Cat and put on a wig. In Gomila, safe spaces of freedom were created, along with other kinds of bonds, like family. For example, anyone drag queen who was starting out had her godmother: a drag "With experience," explains LGBT activist Marcos Augusto.

"In the Gomila scene, there were many gay men from the surrounding villages, and there were also those who came to work from the mainland, in the hotels, to escape their families," recalls Jaume Horrach, better known as a performer during Franco's regime and the one who has portrayed the character of Divine, immortalized by John Waters in the film, more times than anyone else. Pink FlamingosHe claims to be showman"For me, a transvestite is someone who takes hormones and has breast implants. I'm a drag performer, like when men dressed as women in Shakespeare's time," he explains. In fact, on stage he has always worn provocative wigs, all the necessary makeup, and incredibly long wrists, all while unshaven and without hiding his chest hair. He says that both at his hair salon and at Desván, a venue that served as a meeting place for artists in Jonquet, he personally never had "any problems with anyone" because he has always based everything he does "on respect." "In the early days of the movement, lesbian women fought more from a feminist perspective. In fact, the LGBTQ+ discourse draws heavily from it," says lesbian feminist activist Lena Castells. "Lesbians have often not felt represented within the collective," she adds. "In many common struggles, the male perspective is overrepresented. And just as there are gay feminist men, there are also misogynists," he states. Castells also maintains that it was precisely the women's rights movement that led to the letter 'L' being placed before any other letter in the LGBTQ+ acronym, precisely to assert the visibility of lesbians. Currently, Castells also believes that "women-only actions—without men—are still necessary to make this inequality visible," while understanding that, as a collective, they are stronger when united. Roots, Ben Amics and AIDS

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In the 1980s, Arrels, the first AIDS organization in the Balearic Islands, was founded. "At that time, there were few resources and a lot of misinformation. People started talking about 'pink cancer,'" recalls activist Marcos Augusto, who believes that due to the context of stigmatization of homosexual people, the community's discourse is more social than political. In 1991, Ben Amics was launched. "We produced a magazine that we distributed; it could be delivered to your home for free or you could find it in gay bars. Toni Socies, from Diabéticas Aceleradas (Accelerated Diabetics), did the layout, and we printed 2,000 copies," recalls Pere Morey, president of the organization in 1994. In 1999, the pink telephone helpline was launched, operating for two hours a day and providing advice on HIV-related issues. Around that time, branches were also opened in Manacor and Menorca. "There was a youth group and a senior citizens' group, and our premises were quite large; we even had a bar where we organized events," Morey recalls. At that time, Ben Amics employed six people—some part-time—and had over 200 members. Now, half the staff and a third of the members remain, despite the fact that "it's still difficult being gay in a small town, and the demand for LGBTQ+ support and education is increasing every day," Morey laments.

Ben Amics is overwhelmed with work and in need of staff

Ten years ago, Ben Amics had a technical staff specializing in health, education, youth, activities, and a helpline. In total, there were nine people working there. "Currently, we need more people, because back then they were responsible for the organization's entire area, and now we can't keep up. Public administrations from all over are asking us for more than the three of us can handle," says Jan Gómez, the organization's spokesperson. After three years of the law against LGBTQ+phobia, they lament that they are alone in the face of a constant increase in demand. "This year we have 50 new cases, and the more the law is publicized, the more requests we receive," she says. But the subsidies from the administrations, which would allow them to hire more people, are not increasing in line with the need.