Categories of illegals: with and without chalet

The chronicle of Maria Llull preparing the Parliament's rentrée It offers an essential overview of the political situation. And it raises an unavoidable point. Two years after the biggest attempt ever made by a Balearic government—it must be said clearly—to solve the housing problem, the results are abundant in terms of regulations, but quantitatively meager. It's not simple. As long as the European middle and upper classes (millions of people) can accumulate property with impunity, the market will continue to reign supreme. pitilessThis is what has happened, for example, in the Levante industrial park, which was meant to be a space for social and cultural interaction with all kinds of people, but has ended up being a collection of luxury apartments impossible for locals to afford. Laws, decrees, regulations, and rules of all kinds have been passed; more public housing has been planned, but two years is far too short a time to change such complex dynamics. And the situation is practically the same. We don't know if the left will be able to capitalize on this hopeless citizen desperation, because the problem is enormous. However, there is one sector that, under the pretext of simplifying the administration to make it more efficient and expedite the processing of the apartments that still haven't arrived, has fared very well: the offenders in rural areas. Everyone who owns a building, some even large villas, has rushed to legalize what they once built without permission. The PP and Vox parties strongly dislike the legalization of undocumented immigrants who, ironically, come to lay cement in Calvià or Andratx. But those with the illegal chalet get the red carpet treatment. Even those who built it in a fire-prone area.