Aid to parliamentary groups that go to the party fund

PalmFormer Vox spokesperson (now an unaffiliated MP) Idoia Ribas made national news when she denounced Vox as a "pyramid scheme." Ribas claimed to have been pressured when she was part of the parliamentary group to divert money from the group to the party and expressed suspicion that it was later transferred to Santiago Abascal's Disenso Foundation. Faced with these accusations, Vox found the support of the majority of parliamentary groups for the first time in the legislature. While the Catalan government urged Ribas to take the alleged misappropriation of funds to the foundation to court if she had evidence—she has ruled this out—the PSIB and MÉS por Mallorca argued that diverting a portion of the aid the groups receive to their acronyms is both legal and commonplace.

In fact, all parties do it. The financial statements they submit annually to Parliament confirm this. The Political Party Financing Law establishes that these organizations, whose functioning is essential to democracy, can receive contributions from their parliamentary groups. Furthermore, they can also draw on membership and supporter dues and private donations, although with limits that have been gradually restricted.

"The Spanish Constitution itself indicates that the State must finance parties, as well as unions and business organizations," notes political scientist Guillermo Bezzina. Days after launching the offensive against Vox and running into the wall of all parliamentary groups, Ribas qualified his statements and limited Abascal's "scam" to the "political" sphere. "It's preaching that you won't receive public subsidies and then doing it," he asserted in an interview on Breaking News"I negotiated a budget with the PP in which we eliminated 100% of subsidies to unions and employers, and soon after, the Vox group went from having 10% of the party's revenue to 50%."

According to the latest accounts submitted by Vox to Parliament, corresponding to 2024—it now receives fewer resources because it has lost another deputy—the Balearic parliamentary group received €183,848.32 in subsidies. Of that total, €114,000 was transferred to the party: €86,000 from a monthly contribution of €7,000, plus a fixed amount of €30,000 for last year.

And the rest of the groups? The PP does not specify their allocation in the accounts presented. However, the income statement shows that of the €477,297.33 it received, €468,000 was spent on a single "current expenditure" item, which does not allow us to determine exactly how much goes to the party. As for the Socialist parliamentary group, in 2024 it received €365,435, of which €339,826 was transferred to the party. Meanwhile, the eco-sovereignty group received €141,122 from public sources and allocated €141,059 to MÉS for Mallorca. Más por Menorca also transfers virtually all of its parliamentary allocation (approximately €70,000 annually) to the party. "All expenses arising from parliamentary activity are covered by the party," point out sources within the party. In contrast, the €35,280 allocation received by Unides Podem and Esquerra Unida (EUiA), which share a seat, remained with the mixed group. "All expenses have been paid directly by the parliamentary group: expenses for the premises in Mahón, accounting, travel, administrative services, and communications," state sources within the party. "The group is perfectly free to transfer a portion of the money it receives as long as the party provides certain services," explains legal specialist Pep Alonso: "For example, the Socialist group can file a constitutional appeal against a regional law using the services of PSOE lawyers."

"The Revolutionary Tax"

Both the majority of MPs and, in some cases, government officials and parliamentary advisors also contribute to political parties. They do so through contributions colloquially called "the revolutionary tax," which usually represent a percentage of their salary. Although they lack explicit legal regulation, they are part of the private donations provided for by law. ARABalears has asked all groups what their contributions consist of, as the party has its own rules. The PP did not respond to the request. However, knowledgeable sources place the figure at around 3% of salaries among government officials. Neither has the PSIB, although ARABalears has been able to confirm that it is around the percentages set by the PSOE in Spain, which range from nothing—when the official earns up to 1,500 euros—to 11% for high salaries. For their part, MÉS deputies for Mallorca contribute 15% of their payroll to the party, and Més deputies for Menorca contribute 6%. Podemos deputy Cristina Gómez—who left office before the summer—contributed 7% of her salary, which was due based on her circumstances, since the party establishes a scale. Vox, on the other hand, does not require any amount from its elected officials, as confirmed by several sources consulted.

"It is understood that the person who holds a public office is there because a party has proposed them, and it is internally agreed that they will allocate a portion of their salary," explains Bezzina. "It is a very common practice, although there are exceptions, for example, in people who leave a high-level job and are paid less," explains the expert. "It is legal as long as it is voluntary," he concludes.