The constitution of the Unió Democràtica de Menorca (UDM), on the eve of Operation Roca, marked the reappearance of a prominent figure in island centrism: Francesc Tutzó, the only Minorcan who, in the current democratic era, has been president of the entire Archipelago. Francesc Xavier Granados recounts how the UDM regrouped, in addition to Tutzó and Josep Maria Quintana, Miquel and Joan Antoni Seguí Mercadal and Cristòfol Triay Humbert, among its founders.Tutzó was the head of the list for Unió de Centre Democràtic (UCD) in the 1979 pre-autonomic elections and, when this party won the elections in Menorca, he became president of the new island Council. However, he opted for a concentration formula, with councilors from all political parties with representation. One of the most thorny issues was, of course, the capital city, although the balance tipped in favor of Maó.When Jeroni Albertí resigned his posts to found Unió Mallorquina, Tutzó had to replace him as president of the pre-autonomic institution, the Consell General Interinsular, without relinquishing his responsibilities at the head of the Minorcan Council. A very complicated task, having to simultaneously juggle both jobs, with their headquarters located on two different islands.The defeat of UCD in the 1982 general elections meant that it did not even consider running in the following year's autonomic elections. Tutzò carried out the call for elections and handed over the reins to the new Government. He would no longer participate in politics, except for that fleeting experience with Unió Democràtica and a councilor's seat in Maó he obtained in 1995, this time for the Partido Popular.
The last battle of the political center: the history of the failure of Miquel Roca and Unió Mallorquina
Forty years ago, in June 1986, Unió Mallorquina and Unió Democràtica de Menorca participated in the failed Roca Operation of the Reformist Party
PalmaIt was known as Operation Roca after its leader, Miquel Roca, a prominent figure in Catalan politics. And it was a failed attempt to revive a centrist party, after the disappearance of Unió de Centre Democràtic (UCD). Forty years ago, in June 1986, the Reformist Party ran in the general elections, with the participation of Unió Mallorquina (UM) and Unió Democràtica de Menorca (UDM) in the Balearic Islands, on that strange platform where the main leader did not even run under the common acronyms, but under those of Convergència i Unió, in Catalonia. Its failure is probably explained because no one understood this.
Only four years earlier, in October 1982, the ballot boxes had swept away the hegemony of UCD, the party that had led the State government. The Christian Democrats and some liberals had approached Aliança Popular, the current People's Party. The social democrats, the PSOE. Adolfo Suárez, the historic leader of UCD, had formed his own party: the Centre Democràtic i Social (CDS). Jeroni Albertí, who had been the head of the party in the Balearic Islands and pre-autonomous president, also opted to create a new party: Unió Mallorquina.
What was later to be the reformist adventure began to take shape at UM's constituent congress in March 1983. Miquel Roca intervened, and as Francesc Xavier Granados recounts, in addition to wishing the new party good luck, he took the opportunity to invite them to participate in a reformist project on a national scale; without yet using the magic word: 'centre'.
Miquel Roca Junyent was Jordi Pujol's second-in-command, who was already president of the Generalitat at the time. Roca was well known throughout Spain as a spokesperson in Congress and as one of the 'fathers' of the Constitution. He would remain in political activity until the nineties. Much more recently, he was to reappear in the surprising role of Cristina de Borbón's lawyer in the Nóos case, investigated in Palma.
Roca and Balearic politics
In the first regional elections, the following May, UM presented itself in coalition with other UCD orphans: the Liberal Democratic Party (PDL), at the express request of Miquel Roca, according to Albertí himself – he wanted both as part of his project. In the Pitiusas, however, the PDL ran alone and, even so, its candidate, Alonso Marí Calbet, was elected. When the regional chamber was constituted, the liberal Pedro Pablo Marrero became the vice-president.
Despite the pact made by the popular president Gabriel Cañellas, UM and its partners insisted on maintaining their own profile throughout the legislature. Towards the end of 1984, the PSOE announced a motion of no confidence. The ball, of course, landed in the court of the regionalists and liberals. It was not the most opportune moment. Precisely at that time, the Democratic Reformist Party was being formed, the launch pad that was supposed to take Miquel Roca to Moncloa, and the new formation did not look favorably on its partners from the Islands transferring the Government to the socialists. A meeting at the Joan March Foundation in Madrid led to a reconciliation between Albertí and Cañellas.
The UM congress in May 1985 sealed the regionalists' entry into Operation Roca. But disagreements with the popular party resurfaced just a few months later; a change of color at the Consolat de Mar was once again being considered. And once again Albertí received a call from Miquel Roca warning him that the reformists still did not approve of that change, and reminding him that Banca March was one of the sources of financing. Once again, everything remained as it was.
Information prepared from texts by Francesc Xavier Granados Coll and Gonzalo Adán Micó and Miquel Payeras Femenias, the newspapers The moment of truth arrived: the general elections of 1986, called for June 22. The Reformist Party presented itself as an alternative to the hegemonic PSOE of Felipe González. And, of course, it claimed the pragmatic and moderate value of the center, that of the longed-for UCD. They were not the only ones: Suárez and his Democratic and Social Centre also claimed that label for themselves.
From two possible deputies to none at all
The truth is that Operation Roca was quite strange. Its candidate for president of the government, Miquel Roca, was not running for this party, but for Convergència i Unió, in Catalonia. Garrigues was not even the head of the list in Madrid; he ceded the first place to a prestigious jurist, Federico Sainz de Robles. The future president of Real Madrid, Florentino Pérez, was also among the promoters. It had the smell of a marketing stunt: even the logo, with that kind of stellar burst, suggested more of a detergent brand or a similar product.
Albertí, a man experienced in politics, probably didn't see it very clearly. According to Gonzalo Adán and Miquel Payeras, he tried not to be the head of the list in Congress for the Balearic Islands, but rather for a young talent of his party: Maria Antònia Munar. Once again, Roca used his power of persuasion, and Albertí agreed to go as number one. They couldn't count on Alonso Marí Calbet for Ibiza, as he switched to the Popular Party, specifically to be their candidate for the Senate for the Pitiüses.
In second place on the reformist candidacy was Josep Maria Quintana, a historic figure of autonomism, from the Democratic Union of Menorca. It seems the idea was for Albertí to renounce in his favor and remain in Mallorca. Completing the list were Guillem Vidal, the Ibizan doctor Carlos Rodríguez, Montserrat Galmés, and, closing it, Maria Antònia Munar. The prediction was to obtain at least two deputies.
The battle for the center was bloody. Suárez passed through Mallorca on June 11 and asserted that "the only center that exists is the CDS, the PRD is a confused operation. It seems we are the enemy to beat," he added, also stating that "the banks did not want us to run in the elections."
The reformist star Miquel Roca shared a press conference in Palma with Albertí. The polls were not very favorable to them. And it turned out that the bank credits had been granted to them based on predictable results. "I don't believe them," he emphasized. He announced: "When we get to Moncloa, the first thing we will do is close it. It brings bad luck." He then moved to the Son Termes barbecue to share a dinner-meeting with two thousand people. It was, as journalist Germà Ventayol observed, "the same room where the Balearic UCD had passed away." It was not a good omen.
The results were not bad: they were terrible. Balearic reformism only gathered 24,379 votes and was widely surpassed by the Suarezists, with 38,510. The head of the CDS list, professor Antoni Roig, was proud that election night: "It has been shown that we are the center." Although neither the one nor the other won any seats.
"The UM-PRD symbiosis has not been assimilated," Albertí lamented that night at a deserted-looking headquarters of Unió Mallorquina. Until the last moment, he was confident of obtaining at least one seat in Congress. "I made the mistake of being the head of the list," he recalled many years later, in an interview: "We burned the party and the leader, and that is very difficult to accept." Even so, reformists in the Islands had obtained 7% of the votes. In the whole of Spain, they did not even reach 1%. Roca had become a deputy, yes, but for Convergència i Unió.
In the following general elections, in 1989, Unió Mallorquina did not even present a candidacy. The state adventures had ended. From then on, they would focus on Balearic politics. For Albertí, that failure took its toll at the next congress of Unió Mallorquina, with the appearance of a critical sector that, among other points, questioned his participation in the reformist journey. Albertí had to point out that it had not been only his doing and that, in fact, he had doubts about it. But he left the party's presidency. A risky bet that did not turn out well. It happens in politics.
Information elaborated from texts by Francesc Xavier Granados Coll and Gonzalo Adán Micó and Miquel Payeras Femenias, the newspapers Última Hora, Diario de Mallorca and El Mundo/El Día de Baleares and the collective volume Memòria viva.