From Francesc Antich to the rise of the far right in the Catalan Parliament

PalmPresident Francesc Antich left office in the 1990s promising a progressive future, but Marga Prohens ends 2025 worried about the rise of the far right. Along the way, the Balearic Islands have been one of the most blatant examples of corruption in the Spanish state. The imprisonment of Maria Antònia Munar (Unió Mallorquina) in 2013 is one of the essential snapshots for remembering this first quarter-century. These have also been 25 years of major mobilizations: the most recent against tourist overcrowding and housing prices.

The first left-wing pact

The first Pact for Progress, led by Francesc Antich (PSIB) in 1999, marked a historic turning point for the Balearic Islands, ending the PP's hegemony. It was also a left-wing coalition government, the first of its kind in Spain: it comprised the Socialists, the PSM (Socialist Party of Mallorca), and United Left, while Unió Mallorquina (UM) held the presidency of the Council of Mallorca. Antich, who passed away in January 2025, championed policies protecting the territory and language, strengthening self-government, and improving social services. "This pact was a benchmark for the rest of Spain," explains political scientist Guillermo Bezzina. "The government's hyperactive approach led to the passage of numerous laws: many of the regulations concerning territorial protection and social services are a legacy of that legislature," adds political scientist Julián Claramunt.

What came after the Pact for Progress is "the perfect example of the way politics was done at the beginning of that century," recalls the expert, referring to the second term of Jaume Matas (PP), from 2003 to 2007 (which was in turn followed by a second Antich government). "He was a very charismatic figure, skilled in close-quarters politics, and he popularized a way of doing politics based on cronyism, which was also very typical of UM (then in charge of the Council)," he reminisces: "Of course, it later became clear that this had an element of self-enrichment, while the parties behaved like 'agents for profit.'"

Systemic corruption

In the midst of the economic crisis, in 2008, headlines began to emerge exposing corruption cases that particularly affected Matas's PP and Munar's UM. The Palma Arena, Nóos – for which Iñaki Urdangarin, husband of Princess Cristina, was imprisoned – Son Oms, Can Domenge, Maquillaje, Buitre, Peaje, Turismo Joven, Rasputín: a constant trickle that shook the political landscape and public opinion. These scandals led to the demise of Unió Mallorquina, a significant internal crisis within the PP – although it continued to win elections – and the imprisonment of Munar and Matas, in 2013 and 2014, respectively. Political analyst Toni Fornés highlights Munar's downfall, popularly known as Your princesswho had to leave the presidency of Parliament under siege by the Justice system. "It had great symbolic significance, because she had been everything, and she ended up going to prison at a time when it seemed that politicians didn't pay the consequences," he explains.

"The general feeling had always been that corruption was present in society, but it wasn't punished," Claramunt explains. "From 2010 onwards, citizens really became aware that this is unacceptable." The economic crisis fueled this public condemnation. "Corruption rarely makes or breaks governments; that's what the economy does," he points out.

Bauzá's absolute majority

Although the corruption cases surfaced in the media before 2010, the convictions were handed down during the term of José Ramón Bauzá (PP), who governed with an absolute majority since 2011. This legislature transformed Mallorcan society in several ways. "The convictions came in the midst of an economic crisis, while austerity policies were being implemented," summarizes Fornés: "It provoked an identity crisis in the Islands, coinciding with the demonstrations against trilingualism in schools and the Tramuntana mountain fire." This combination of factors left its mark on the citizenry and condemned the PP to eight years of political wilderness, during which it lost ground at all levels, from the regional government to the local councils.

It wasn't until 2023 that the People's Party regained the presidency, with Marga Prohens at the helm. Along the way, the PP had to undergo a profound internal restructuring. The lesson the party learned is that it must avoid social unrest at all costs, especially regarding the Catalan language, something Prohens has attempted to do this legislative term, walking a tightrope under pressure from her Vox partners.

The arrival of the new politics

"The widespread public outrage that began in 2010 led to a fragmentation of the system, the normalization of coalition agreements, the emergence of new politics, the departure of UM, and the transformation of the Socialist Party of Mallorca (PSM) into MÉS per Mallorca," summarizes Fornés. Francina Armengol governed in left-wing coalitions for two consecutive terms, during which many of Bauzá's policies were reversed, democratic memory was promoted—with the Law on Mass Graves and the Law on Historical Memory—legislation was passed to protect the territory, and timid attempts were made to limit tourism. Her first government (2015-2019) was marked by the entry of new politics into the Parliament: Ciutadans, with five seats, and Podemos, with ten deputies. "Podemos was a huge success in the Balearic Islands, especially in Palma, among the migrant population and second-generation migrants," explains Claramunt. "It was an absolute revolution." Added to this was the renewed sovereigntism of MÉS, which achieved a record high of six seats. The PSIB governed again in coalition, with external parliamentary support. "During Armengol's two terms, the left-wing coalitions maintained a loyal and unified character, an anomaly compared to other governments," the expert explains. "Nevertheless, expectations of transformation were generated that were never fulfilled." The left's decline in the 2023 elections is a response to these "major unfulfilled promises," he says.

Bezzina highlights the COVID-19 pandemic, which marked Armengol's second term. "It led to the collapse of the Balearic economy; in the summer of 2020, no tourists came to the Islands," he explains. "After the summer of 2020, there's been a rethinking of the Mallorcan economy; there's a growing awareness of our dependence on tourism," says the political scientist. The discourse on changing the tourism-monoculture model is gaining traction among the public.

The relationship with Madrid

The Balearic Islands have had little influence in Madrid. Two exceptions stand out: the first, when Jaume Matas was appointed Minister of the Environment in 2000 by José María Aznar, who had positioned the Islands as a territory to be reclaimed. Through the Ministry, Matas opposed Antich, and tensions between administrations were constant. Matas regained control of the Balearic Government in 2003, and shortly afterward, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero took office as Prime Minister. Tensions between institutions continued. In 2023, the PSOE made a similar move, and after losing its majority in the Balearic Parliament, Armengol moved to Madrid to become Speaker of the Congress of Deputies. "Neither Matas's nor Armengol's influence has been particularly decisive," Bezzina believes.

The far right in the Balearic Parliament

Vox's entry into the Catalan Parliament in 2019, when it won three seats, was also unprecedented: the far right obtained institutional representation for the first time in history. Its then-leader, Jorge Campos, played a prominent role in this breakthrough. "The arrival of the far right reflects a social disaffection with the institutional system," Claramunt believes. "There is also a pro-Spanish social current that, during Bauzá's term, was integrated into the People's Party (PP), but now it is assimilating with Vox, embodied by Campos and the principles that defend Gonellism," he adds. Four years later, Vox went from three to eight seats and became Prohens's indispensable ally. Since becoming Speaker of Parliament, Gabriel Le Senne has increased conflict in plenary sessions: he is awaiting trial for tearing down a photograph of Aurora Picornell during the debate on repealing the Historical Memory Law. Vox has also been imposing its linguistic and anti-immigration stance in negotiations with the government, although the People's Party (PP) has set limits. Looking ahead to the 2027 elections, the party continues to surge in the polls.

Large mobilizations

"The Canary Islands are a territory that doesn't move in the direction of grand gestures; things happen more gradually," Fornés points out. That's why, he emphasizes, these past 25 years have differed from previous eras because of the major social movements: the Green Tide, the 15M movement, feminist demonstrations, and, in recent years, the protests against overtourism and the housing crisis: "This has been a major paradigm shift that has disrupted everything."