Miquel Bibiloni: "Sex workers need an employment agreement and early retirement."

PalmThe Drac Màgic bookstore hosts the book presentation this Thursday the 16th In their own numbers. Practicing sex work with rights with the participation of sex workers and members of the Otras union, such as its Secretary of International Relations, Miquel Biblioni. The book compiles much of the collective's work and is practically a transcript of the proposed law they drafted: a historical overview, a diagnosis of the current situation, and specific proposals for fair legislation for sex workers. It was published by Traficantes de Sueños (Traffickers of Dreams), with the collaboration of sociologist Paloma Martín, who will also be present at the presentation this Thursday. The event, also supported by the Transfeminist Coordinator of Mallorca, will take place at 6:30 p.m.

Where did the idea to write this book come from?

— The book is the result of the transcription and research we conducted over two years to create a proposed law on sex work. It is based on a study conducted with all types of sex workers, from those working in brothels to those working in apartments throughout Spain. We compiled their experiences, demands, and legislative proposals. We also conducted a thorough historical study of how the issue has been addressed over time. A wide variety of sex workers participated: some who work transiently, others who work only a few weeks in brothels and then travel, and so on.

What is the current situation of sex work in Spain?

— Right now, we find ourselves facing a situation of deregulation and significant legal loopholes. It's often said that prostitution is "illegal," but that doesn't mean it's illegal: there simply isn't a regulatory framework. For example, street prostitution is criminalized by the Gag Law, while dating clubs are recognized in some jurisprudence, albeit with many contradictions. In these clubs, many women are falsely self-employed and must pay their own Social Security, but in reality, they work for an owner who dictates their schedule, rules, etc. This creates a situation of abuse and imbalance of power.

What does he propose?

— What we propose is to limit this corporate power and classify the sex worker's consent as non-negotiable: no one can force her to do anything or penalize her if she decides not to provide a service. Furthermore, a sex worker should be able to terminate her contract unilaterally, without having to rely on charity or precarious aid. Currently, there are no effective ways to do so. That's why we're calling for collective bargaining and our own collective agreement. The book includes, among others, experiences such as those of the Tejiendo Redes collective, where two sex workers explain their rights and demands.

How does this affect the material and health conditions of these workers?

— Since there is no formal employment relationship, everything they use—condoms, lubricants, sheets, etc.—must be purchased by the women themselves, for example. Many women also live in the sex clubs themselves, without payroll or legal security, which makes them even more vulnerable. That's why we demand labor recognition for sex work, so that those who engage in it stop being victims of clandestinity and are destigmatized. We have also included proposals such as early retirement, as is the case in other high-risk or particularly demanding professions (such as mining). There should be a specific bonus for them, without any type of penalty.

There is often some confusion between the concepts of decriminalization, regulation, prohibition, and abolition. What are the differences?

— Broadly speaking, regulationism implies state control, creating specific zones, carrying out periodic inspections, mandatory health checks, etc. It's a kind of hyper-bureaucratized model that ultimately makes you dependent on the state. Prohibitionism basically views workers as criminals, while abolitionism sees them as victims. In contrast, decriminalization, which emerges from within the collective itself, is the pro-rights model, the fairest and most effective. It's important to keep in mind that when clients are criminalized, as in some Nordic countries, violence increases: clients become victims, and this leads to more clandestine encounters, often without condoms. It's a model that doesn't reduce prostitution, but rather makes it more dangerous and invisible. Abolitionism is based on a moralistic view of the body. We sell our labor like any other person who goes to work. The fact that a woman uses a part of her body to work doesn't take away her dignity. There is also a serious lack of awareness about labor law, since even the International Labor Organization (ILO) has recognized sex work as an economic activity.

What is the real weight of abolitionism in Spain?

— In reality, Spanish abolitionism is a small movement, but it has a significant media presence thanks to some political parties. Polls indicate that more than 70% of Spanish society wants regulation on this issue. However, there is an elitist bubble of bourgeois feminists in public office who impose a closed discourse: "Everything for prostitutes, but without the prostitutes." In the Balearic Islands, we have asked to meet with all the political parties. We have met with all of them except the PSOE and Vox. The PP has been very receptive and does not oppose our basic principles; MÁS and El Pi have also listened to us. Podemos did not view us negatively, but it had an abolitionist horizon and is heavily dependent on Madrid. The PSOE, on the other hand, is quite isolated and avoids dialogue. They have not overcome the emergence of the union and continue with the same rhetoric. They do not answer emails or accept meetings. On the contrary, a few months ago we met with the Minister of Equality, Ana María Carmen Redondo, and, unlike the rest of her party, she was open to dialogue.

Do you think misinformation has played a significant role?

— Yes, there have been many lies and falsehoods from trans-exclusionary and abolitionist feminism. We've even been accused of being a "pimp lobby," something completely false and slanderous. There have even been scandalous cases, like that of one Delegate of Doctors of the World in Menorca who allegedly raped sex workers, and no part of the Mallorca Feminist Movement said anything; however, when we've participated in talks, like a few months ago at the UIB, we've seen clear attempts at censorship, which shows which side they're really on.

Is there a connection between transphobia and abolitionism? Why?

— Radical feminism divides the world into good and bad women. It's a bourgeois feminism, which isn't grassroots and, therefore, doesn't recognize the plurality of women. If you're a woman and you like to do twerkFor example, you're bad because you're objectifying the body; if you're a trans woman, you're bad too, because you don't fit their model, etc. It's a very reductionist view, and their form of activism often shines through in its lack of solidarity and support, even among themselves. It's a movement that distills hatred based on the negative. It's curious because in Spain, we have support from workers' unions like the Kellys and the day laborers of Huelva. In contrast, radical feminism says that practicing prostitution is not the same as cleaning stairs; but, on the other hand, those who dedicate themselves to it identify with us and consider us comrades in struggle because they consider sex workers to be working class. There's a disconnect between people who lack a lot of street smarts and social awareness.

Do you think the position on this issue may be, in part, generational?

Today's feminism is divided. There is a "TikTok" or "pop" feminism, very young but also very abolitionist and dogmatic. At Otras, we defend an inclusive, rights-based, and class-based feminism that listens to sex workers themselves and doesn't turn them into objects of study or salvation.